Thomas E. FitzGerald
5. PROPOSALS FOR JURISDICTIONAL COOPERATION
The period of diocesan development was a time when the various Orthodox auto-cephalous churches of Europe and the Middle East sought to organize and unite their parishes into dioceses or archdioceses headed by a recognized bishop. This generally took place at a time when the American Orthodox were greatly influenced by political developments in the old countries. While the majority of the parishes responded to the initiates of the mother churches, some refused to accept these associations. By 1933, there existed at least twelve separate ecclesiastical jurisdictions serving, for the most part, the needs of particular ethnic groups. Some jurisdictions were associated with one of the autocephalous churches, and others were not. Although all the Orthodox claimed to profess the same faith and observe the same sacramental life, there were little regular contact and cooperation among them.
During the 1930s and 1940s a number of Orthodox leaders began to recognize the irregular status and the tragic consequences of the de facto disunity that afflicted the Orthodox in America. While there was no doctrinal issue dividing the various Orthodox jurisdictions, the role of language, politics, and Old World suspicions had provided a basis for estrangement. As a remedy for this situation, these leaders began to advocate the need for greater contacts among Orthodox clergy and laity of all jurisdictions, and they proposed a number of practical means for cooperation.
THE SEMINARY PROPOSAL
Archbishop Athenagoras (Spirou) arrived in New York on 24 February 1931 to take up his responsibilities as the new primate of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese. Coming from the position as Metropolitan of Corfu, Athenagoras was selected by the Ecumenical Patriarchate and given the mandate to heal the bitter division of the Greek immigrants in America. The wounds between the Royalists and the Venizelists continued to afflict many parishes.163
The new Greek Orthodox archbishop quickly learned that the old disputes among the Greek immigrants would not be the only problem he would have to face. His attempts to heal divisions among the Greek Orthodox parishes would be greatly affected by the fact that there was little cooperation among the Orthodox jurisdictions. This lack of cooperation provided the basis for some serious difficulties involving parishes and clergy.
Slightly less than two years after his arrival, Archbishop Athenagoras had his authority challenged by Archbishop Apollinary (Koshevoy) of the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad. The Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad claimed to have suspended Metropolitan Platon of the Russian Orthodox Archdiocese in 1927. A year earlier, Metropolitan Platon had rejected the authority of this synod of emigre bishops over the Russian diaspora. In order to challenge his authority, the Synod Abroad established a parallel jurisdiction in 1927 and appointed Bishop Apollinary as its head. While the extreme monarchial politics of this group and its scheme to unite all Russians outside the Soviet Union were repudiated by most of the members of the Russian Orthodox Metropolia in America at that time, a small number of parishes aligned themselves with Bishop Apollinary.
Bishop Apollinary also apparently envisioned the enlargement of his jurisdiction through the inclusion of Greek Orthodox parishes that opposed the leadership of Archbishop Athenagoras and the use of the new calendar (revised Gregorian) by the archdiocese. By 1932, Bishop Apollinary reportedly ordained to the priesthood three Greek immigrants. There was also some indication that the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad (the Karlovtsy Synod) planned to consecrate a bishop to serve the needs of the dissident Greek Orthodox parishes. Bishop Apollinary's actions were based upon his view that the Greek Orthodox parishes were rightly under the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church in America since the days of the Alaskan mission.164
The initial difficulties between the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese and the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad subsided following the death of Bishop Apollinary in 1933. Indeed, it would seem that the relationship between Archbishop Athenagoras and the new head of the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad diocese, Archbishop Vitaly (Maximenko), was quite cordial. However, this did not end the interjurisdictional difficulties that were to afflict the ministry of Archbishop Athenagoras in particular and the cause of inter-Orthodox cooperation in general.165
A new schism among the Greek Orthodox erupted in 1934. Father Christopher Contogeorge, a critic of Athenagoras and a former priest of the archdiocese, was consecrated a bishop by Archbishop Sofronios (Bashira) and Archbishop Theophan (Noli) of the Albanian Orthodox diocese. Bishop Christopher Contogeorge then established a rival Greek Orthodox jurisdiction, known as the Archdiocese of America and Canada, initially headquartered in Philadelphia and subsequently in Lowell, Massachusetts. Challenging the leadership of Archbishop Athenagoras, this movement continued to attract a small number of Greek Orthodox parishes until it finally collapsed in 1955.166
Archbishop Athenagoras appears to have recognized the havoc that could easily result from the jurisdictional disunity in America. He saw that the efforts to heal schism among the Greek Orthodox and to reconcile dissident parishes could not be undertaken in isolation from the other Orthodox jurisdictions. Disunity, lack of understanding, and dissension could easily be employed by dissident clergy and laity.
Archbishop Athenagoras made a bold proposal in 1934 to establish an Orthodox theological seminary that would serve the needs of all the Orthodox jurisdictions in America. While pastoral schools and seminaries had been established for brief periods of time in the past, both by the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese and the Russian Orthodox Archdiocese, this was the first time that a proposal had been made to unite efforts on such an important venture. It was a masterful proposal to bring greater unity and cooperation to the major Orthodox jurisdictions.
From the earliest days of the development of Orthodoxy in North America, far-sighted leaders recognized the need to develop schools that would train future lay leaders and clergy for the church in America. Bishop Innocent had established a seminary in Sitka in 1858. Sometime about 1888, its limited activity was complemented by a school established in San Francisco. With the demise of these early institutions about the turn of the century, an attempt was made to establish a seminary in Minneapolis in 1905. This was subsequently transferred to Tenafly, New Jersey, in 1912. The seminary fell victim in 1923 to the administrative and economic chaos that shook the Russian-American church in the years following the Russian revolution of October 1917.167
Likewise, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese had made an early attempt to establish a seminary. During his stay in the United States in 1921, Metropolitan Meletios was a forceful advocate for a seminary that would prepare future clergy to serve the needs of the church in America. Under the leadership of Meletios, Saint Athanasius Seminary formally opened on 4 November 1921 in Astoria, New York. Despite the critical need for such an educational institution, the seminary closed in 1923. Its demise perhaps resulted from two major factors. First, the archdiocese was still too weak to provide the necessary financial and administrative support, chiefly because of the continuing struggle between the Royalists and the Venizelists. Second, it appears that many of the immigrant clergy were opposed to the concept of a local seminary. They may have feared the development of a cadre of new clergy who possessed a better education and who were better able to serve the needs of the developing American church.168
The proposal of Archbishop Athenagoras for an Orthodox seminary, therefore, must be understood against the background of this history. This was not the first time that there had been a call for a seminary. It was, however, the first time that a proposal had been made for a seminary that would truly serve the needs of all the Orthodox jurisdictions in America.
During 1934, an interjurisdictional organization committee met to discuss the development of the plan that had also received the preliminary approval of Metropolitan Platon of the Russian Orthodox Archdiocese. It was proposed that the school be located in Pomfret, Connecticut, on a large estate that the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese had recently purchased. The organizational committee recommended that the seminary receive students from all the jurisdictions and, likewise, that the faculty reflect the many jurisdictions. English was to be the language of instruction. Greek and Church Slavonic would be used in the liturgical services. It was also recommended that the seminary be a graduate-level institution accepting young men who already possessed an undergraduate degree. The plans referred to the school as the General Orthodox Theological Seminary.169
The proposal fell victim to the changing situation of the Russian Orthodox jurisdictions. During the period in which the plans were being formalized, Metropolitan Platon died on 30 April 1934. He was succeeded by one of his vicars, Bishop Theophilus (Pashkovsky). With these significant changes, an opportunity arose for a reconciliation between the Russian Orthodox archdiocese, generally known then as the Metropolia, and the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad. Metropolitan Theophilus traveled to Serbia in November of the same year to participate in a conference of Russian bishops from the Russian diaspora. At that conference, a plan was established to unite the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia.
When Metropolitan Theophilus returned to the United States, he met with the four other bishops of the Metropolia and two bishops of the jurisdiction of the Karlovtsy Synod Abroad. These bishops agreed to the plan and sent an encyclical to the faithful declaring that the division of the Russian Orthodox Church in America had come to an end. This accord essentially subordinated the Metropolia to the authority of the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Synod Abroad, then headquartered in Sremsky-Karlovtsy, Serbia. The president of this synod was Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky), formerly of Kiev and Galicia. This plan remained in effect until 1946.170
With his new relationship with the Karlovtsy Synod, Metropolitan Theophilus refused to proceed with plans to establish the Pan-Orthodox Seminary. Indeed, it appears that the proposal had been discussed in Serbia by the Russian bishops and had been disapproved. This led Metropolitan Theophilus to initiate plans to establish his own seminary.171
When Archbishop Athenagoras learned that the Metropolia had rejected the cooperative proposal and was proceeding to establish its own seminary, he had no other alternative than to proceed with his own plans. Archbishop Athenagoras presided over the opening of Holy Cross Theological School on 5 October 1937 in Pomfret, Connecticut.172
Nearly a year later, on 3 October 1938, Metropolitan Theophilus opened St. Vladimir's Seminary in New York City. Another institution, known as a pastoral school, was also opened on 24 October 1938 at St. Tikhon Monastery in New Canaan, Pennsylvania. The fact that the Metropolia opened two schools at the same time appears to reflect an unresolved division between those who wanted a pastoral school and those who wanted a more advanced theological seminary somewhat equivalent to the academies of old Russia.173
With the establishment of these schools, an important chapter in Orthodox theological education in America began. The opening of these schools indicated that the leadership of both the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese and the Russian Orthodox Metropolia recognized the need to provide education here in America for future clergy and laity who would serve the developing church in this country. However, at the same time, an important opportunity for interjurisdictional cooperation was lost. The two schools would serve the particular needs of each jurisdiction and would not be able to bring about a greater sense of unity and common mission among the future clergy.
THE COUNCIL OF BISHOPS PROPOSAL
Archbishop Athenagoras was not alone in the desire for greater cooperation among the Orthodox in America. The primate of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese found a friend and a committed ally in the person of Metropolitan Antony (Bashir), who became the head of the Syrian (Antiochian) Orthodox Archdiocese in 1936. Following his appointment by the Patriarchate of Antioch, Metropolitan Antony worked vigorously for the eradication of divisions among the Arab Orthodox immigrants. For about two decades, they had been divided between those who favored association with the Russian Orthodox in America and those who favored direct association with the Patriarchate of Antioch. During his thirty-year tenure as head of the Syrian (Antiochian) Orthodox Archdiocese, Metropolitan Antony was a forceful advocate of the use of the English language in liturgical services. He also graciously welcomed into his archdiocese persons who had been raised in other religious traditions but who were attracted to the Orthodox Church. Like Archbishop Athenagoras, Metropolitan Antony also seems to have realized that divisions among his own flock could not be healed without giving attention to the larger issue of the lack of concrete cooperation among all the Orthodox.
Shortly after becoming head of his archdiocese, Metropolitan Antony joined with Archbishop Athenagoras in proposing the establishment of a Conference of Orthodox Bishops. This was a bold proposal that reflected an idea that had been discussed by individual Orthodox leaders for decades. With the support and approval of Archbishop Athenagoras, Metropolitan Antony wrote a letter to Metropolitan Theophilus on 2 October 1937, in which the proposal was presented. Antony and Athenagoras envisioned a conference that would bring together at least once a year the canonical heads of the various Orthodox jurisdictions in America. The essential purpose of the conference was «to work together for the establishment of order and respect for Orthodox laws and traditions among the various Orthodox Churches.»174
Clearly, the proposal was a bold and significant one aimed at increasing harmony and cooperation among the Orthodox jurisdictions, beginning with their heads. Despite its merits, however, Metropolitan Theophilus refused to accept the proposal. His continued association with the Karlovtsy Synod Abroad appears to have prevented collaboration. Nonetheless, this rejection did not deter Metropolitan Antony and Archbishop Athenagoras. As we shall see, the proposal subsequently provided the basis for the establishment of a cooperative association of bishops in 1943.
THE MAGAZINE PROPOSAL
Archbishop Athenagoras was persistent in his desire to find ways of increasing Orthodox cooperation in America. While the earlier proposals for the Pan-Orthodox Seminary and a conference of bishops were rejected by Metropolitan Theophilus, the head of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese once again made another dramatic proposal in a letter dated 27 March 1941. Archbishop Athenagoras expressed grave concern in this letter over the fact that the jurisdictional divisions among the Orthodox in America prevented their church from being a valuable witness in American society.
It should be remembered that, as Europe began to be engulfed in war, the Orthodox in America were divided into at least about twelve separate jurisdictions. Some of these had direct links with an autocephalous Orthodox Church in Europe or the Middle East. Others, most notably the Metropolia, had no direct link with a mother church and considered themselves autonomous. Some followed the new calendar, while others followed the old calendar. In addition, the language barriers, cultural and political hostilities, and geographical isolation tended to contribute to the isolation of the heads of the various Orthodox jurisdictions. These divisions gave the impression that the Orthodox Church in the United States was a sadly divided body with no common witness in the society.
With this tragic reality of disunity in mind, Archbishop Athenagoras said in his letter to Metropolitan Theophilus:
Our Church, although she is the Orthodox Church of Christ and although our Christian faithful have exceeded the five million mark, is still, officially, «the forgotten Church in America.» Clergy and faithful are not sufficiently known to each other. We have made no effort to make our Orthodox Church and the immense treasure of her dogma, her moral teachings, history, traditions and rituals known to the American government, churches of other denominations, intellectuals, and to the American public in general. We do not have the means to defend our Faith against any kind of proselytism.175
To assist the Orthodox in making their faith better known and to defend the church's faithful against forms of proselytism, Archbishop Athenagoras made another creative proposal for pan-Orthodox cooperation. He suggested to Metropolitan Theophilus that the jurisdictions join to establish and to publish a magazine that would be dedicated to the propagation of the Orthodox faith.
A number of the jurisdictions had already begun to publish their own newspaper or journal. Beginning about 1908, the Metropolia began publishing the Russian-American Orthodox Messenger in Russian and subsequently in English. Likewise, the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese briefly published the weekly Ecclesiastical Herald between 1921 and 1923. It was succeeded in 1934 with The Orthodox Observer. Both were published in Greek. Despite the existence of these periodicals, Archbishop Athenagoras recommended that the new publication be the official organ of all the Orthodox jurisdictions in America. He proposed that it be published in English, that the editorial board be made up of clergy and laity of the various jurisdictions, and that the sponsoring jurisdictions assume the cost of financing the magazine.176
As in the case of the earlier proposals, there is no record of any positive response from Metropolitan Theophilus. However, the initiatives taken by both Archbishop Athenagoras and Metropolitan Antony began to bear some fruit. During the period of World War II, a movement was inaugurated to have Orthodox Christianity formally recognized as a major faith in the United States. This movement was actually inaugurated in order to ensure that Orthodox members of the armed forces would receive their proper religious designation and to assure that Orthodox chaplains receive the same recognition as those of the other recognized religions.
To strengthen the Orthodox position in this matter, the proposal for the Conference of Orthodox Bishops was revived. With the approval of their respective bishops, Father Michael Gelsinger of the Syrian Orthodox Archdiocese, Father Boris Burden of the Russian Orthodox Patriarchal jurisdiction, and Attorney George Phillies of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese drafted a plan for what was called the Federated Orthodox Greek Catholic Primary Jurisdictions in America. This was designed to be an association of four jurisdictions led by their presiding hierarchs. The four primary jurisdictions that composed the federation were the Greek Orthodox under Archbishop Athenagoras, the Syrian (Antiochian) Orthodox under Metropolitan Antony, the Russian Orthodox patriarchal under Metropolitan Benjamin (Fedchenkov), and the Serbian Orthodox under Bishop Dionysius. Also participating in the work of the federation were Bishop Bogdan (Spilka) of the Ukrainian Orthodox diocese and Bishop Orestes (Chornock) of the Carpatho-Russian Orthodox diocese. Both of these jurisdictions were associated with the Patriarchate of Constantinople.177
The federation gained major recognition when its existence was formally recognized in a bill passed by the New York State legislature and signed into law with some degree of fanfare by Governor Thomas E. Dewey on 25 March 1943. This was followed by an Orthodox Service of Thanksgiving held in the Senate chamber. The service was led by the four presiding Orthodox bishops. This event, which was widely publicized, appears to have been the beginning of a process whereby various state legislatures and agencies of the federal government began to identify Orthodox Christianity as a major faith in the United States in the following decades.178
At the time of the signing of the bill, Governor Dewey spoke about the significance of the occasion. Although his words may have exaggerated somewhat the actual situation of the Orthodox, they provide us with an indication of the hope that many saw in the new organization. The governor said:
In the Old World, their jurisdictions differed only in languages and in the nationalities of their parishioners. Transported to the New World, their worshippers came to realize that even those superficial differences were erased by their common language. In short they were no longer Greek, Russian, Syrian or Serbian but American. Hence, the union resulting in the «Federated Orthodox Greek Catholic Primary Jurisdictions in America» ... the Church which shall be known in the future as the American Orthodox Church.179
The federation became a legal corporation on 7 October 1943. The Articles of Incorporation state that the primary purpose of the federation was «to secure unity of action and effort in all matters which are of common concern to Orthodox Greek Catholic jurisdictions in America.» It is also interesting to note that the articles stated that the federation would establish and maintain a theological school and would also establish committees to address problems and concerns from a Pan-Orthodox perspective.180
A Eucharistic Liturgy on 22 August 1943 solemnly marked the formal establishment of the federation. The Liturgy was held in the civic auditorium in Buffalo, New York, because the space in the local Orthodox churches was limited. The liturgy was led by Archbishop Athenagoras, Metropolitan Antony, and Bishop Bogdan. For many, the liturgy was an important sign that the Orthodox had entered upon a new phase of cooperation.
The federation had two major weaknesses, which ultimately contributed to its becoming inactive by 1945. The first weakness was that membership in the federation was limited. It included only those jurisdictions that had direct canonical links to the Patriarchates of Constantinople, Antioch, Moscow, and Serbia. While the Romanian Orthodox diocese and the Bulgarian Orthodox diocese were technically eligible for membership in the federation, internal difficulties apparently prevented their participation.
Because of the insistence of Metropolitan Benjamin, full membership in the federation was restricted to those hierarchs who had a canonical relationship with an autocephalous church. Consequently, Metropolitan Theophilus of the Russian Orthodox Metropolia was not invited to participate in the federation. This is explained because Metropolitan Benjamin considered the Metropolia to be in a state of schism from the Church of Russia. The fact that Metropolitan Theophilus had chosen to ignore invitations to cooperate with other hierarchs since 1935 must have contributed to the decision of Archbishop Athenagoras and Metropolitan Antony to accept the rather strict position of Metropolitan Benjamin. However, the Metropolia was the largest of the Russian Orthodox jurisdictions in America. The fact that it was excluded meant that the federation did not represent a sizable number of Orthodox clergy and laity.
The second major factor that contributed to the dissolution of the federation centered upon its administrative leadership. Attorney George E. Phillies had been active from the beginning in the organization of the federation, so active that he acquired the title of chancellor of the federation. Difficulties arose, however, when it became common knowledge that Phillies not only belonged to the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese but also was actively involved in a Protestant Episcopal parish in the Buffalo area. While serving as the administrative head of the federation, Phillies apparently saw nothing wrong with continuing his association with the local Episcopal parish.181
Metropolitan Benjamin viewed the position of Phillies as a clear violation of Orthodox Church polity. From his perspective, it was simply impossible for an Orthodox Christian to be also a member of a Protestant parish. Upon the insistence of Metropolitan Benjamin, the other hierarchs met and came to an agreement regarding the leadership of the federation. They agreed that there was no lay head of the federation, that the bishops were to exercise the leadership of the federation, and that it is not permissible for an Orthodox Christian to be a member or a communicant of another church.182
Apparently, this agreement did not resolve the crisis. When Phillies refused to renounce his participation in the Episcopal parish, Metropolitan Benjamin publicly announced that the attorney was no longer the chancellor of the federation. By the end of 1944, Bishop Dionysios and Metropolitan Benjamin withdrew their active support of the federation.183
The debate over the position of Phillies reflected a deeper question regarding the relationship of the Orthodox Church to other Christian groups in general and the Episcopal Church in particular. Early Orthodox leaders in America had sought to establish close relationships with the leaders of the Protestant Episcopal Church. At the international level, the Orthodox and the Anglicans had been involved in contacts and informal theological dialogue from the late nineteenth century, and these became more intense during the 1930s. These cordial relations and discussions appear to have been reflected in the positive attitude toward the American Episcopalians that can be seen especially in the ministry of both Archbishop Tikhon and Metropolitan Meletios.
However, most Orthodox leaders were quick to point out that the cordial relationships between the Orthodox and the Episcopalians did not imply that there was an agreement in faith between the two churches. Indeed, despite their desire for recognition and, at times, financial assistance from the Episcopalians, knowledgeable Orthodox representatives were careful to avoid accepting a fundamental equality between the Orthodox Church and other Christian groups. At the same time, however, there is evidence that some Orthodox faithful were encouraged by some leaders to attend Episcopal parishes in those parts of the country where Orthodox parishes had not been established. These diverse perspectives must have created confusion in the minds of some Orthodox and Episcopalians. The difficulties involving Phillies clearly reflect this.
This relationship between Orthodox and other Christians was a major issue that did not receive sufficient attention in the United States during the 1930s and 1940s. Yet, it could not be long ignored. This was especially true as Orthodox clergy and laity began to emerge from the isolation of the old immigrant communities and become more involved in the larger society. In the United States Orthodox would find themselves in direct and constant contact with Roman Catholics and Protestants in a manner that was rare in the Old World at that time.
Despite its lofty goals, therefore, the federation could not endure major difficulties related to its membership and its leadership. Both Archbishop Athenagoras and Metropolitan Antony continued to support the principles of the federation with the hope that it could be reorganized. However, the difficulties that afflicted the federation were compounded by developments within a number of Orthodox jurisdictions during the postwar years. Among these developments was the election of Archbishop Athenagoras as Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople on 1 November 1948.184
Although the federation had a limited existence, its significance cannot be diminished. It was the first formal association of Orthodox bishops in the United States. The establishment of the federation was an indication that the old barriers of language, politics, and cultural suspicion could be overcome and that issues of common concern could be addressed. Bringing together in a consultative body the primates of six jurisdictions, the federation was an important association that indicated a growing recognition of the critical need for cooperation and the common resolution of problems. As we shall see, the federation provided a historical precedent for the establishment of the Standing Conference of Canonical Orthodox Bishops in America (SCOBA) in 1960. The federation gave a sign that cooperation among Orthodox at the local level was not only possible but also greatly desirable.
Moreover, as we shall see in the next chapter, the changing political situation in parts of Eastern Europe would once again affect a number of the Orthodox jurisdictions in America. While some Orthodox in America moved toward greater unity in the postwar years, others became more divided over political developments in Eastern Europe.
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George Papaioannou, From Mars Hill to Manhattan (Minneapolis: Light and Life, 1976), pp. 57–60.
«Archbishop Apollinary, Confessor of Orthodoxy in America,» Orthodox Word 6:1 (1970): 37–41.
«The Historical Road of the Orthodox Church in America,» Diakonia 6:1 (1970): 172–173.
Papaioannou, From Mars Hill to Manhattan, pp. 103–113.
Basil Bensin, The Russian Orthodox Greek Catholic Church of North America (New York: Colonial, 1941), pp. 19–21.
Alexander Doumouras, «St. Athanasius Greek Orthodox Seminary: 1921–1923,» Upbeat 9:6 (1976): 10–15.
Basil Bensin, «Twenty Years Ago,» St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 2:3 (1958): 14.
Ibid., p. 15.
See George Tsoumas, «The Founding Years of Holy Cross Greek Orthodox Theological School,» Greek Orthodox Theological Review 12:3 (1967): 241–282.
Constance Tarasar and John Erickson, eds., Orthodox America 1794–1976 (Syosset, N.Y.: Orthodox Church in America, 1975), pp. 205–210.
«Letter from Metropolitan Anthony to Metropolitan Theophilos,» October 7, 1937, Archives, Greek Orthodox Archdiocese.
«Letter from Archbishop Athenagoras to Metropolitan Theophilus,» 2 October 1937, cited in Papaioannou, From Mars Hill to Manhattan, p. 173.
Serafim Surrency, The Quest for Orthodox Church Unity in America (New York: Saints Boris and Gleb Press, 1973), pp. 47–49.
Quoted in Papaioannou, From Mars Hill to Manhattan, p. 176.
Ibid, pp. 176–177.
Surrency, The Quest for Orthodox Church Unity in America, pp. 49–50.
Ibid, p. 51.
Ibid, p. 52.
Papaioannou, From Mars Hill to Manhattan, pp. 196–201.