Craig S. Keener

Источник

God's work on the sabbath. 5:1–47

THE NARRATIVE OPENS WITH JESUS healing on the Sabbath and leads into a conflict dialogue between Jesus and the authorities. John reveals that behind Jesus» signs, particularly his signs that challenge what no mere mortal could challenge, stands his identity. The signs therefore point to Christology: Jesus is the Father's supreme agent, and far from dishonoring the Father by claiming divine rank, Jesus is concurring with the Father's decree.

To keep the Gospel's geography neater, some have argued that chs. 5 and 6 have been transposed,5713 but this approach does not take into account what John simply assumes, namely major chronological as well as geographical gaps (e.g., 7:2; 10:22; 11:55). While such transposition is conceivable for pages in a codex, it is difficult to conceive such an accident for the earliest versions, on scrolls; and no manuscripts attest the alleged transposition.5714 It is possible that 6:28–29 depends on the prior description of the works of Father and Son in 5:20, 36.5715 Further, as we argue below, the closing paragraph of ch. 5 presents Jesus as one greater than Moses, which becomes a central theme in ch. 6. «After these things» (μετά ταύτα) is a common chronological transition device.5716

Jesus Heals on the Sabbath (5:1–16)

The focus of 5:l-9a is a healing narrative that fits John's water motif and makes a point by itself. But the additional notation about the Sabbath in 5makes this account part of a larger unit addressing the Sabbath (5:1–16), allowing a christological discourse comparing Jesus» role with that of the Father (5:17–47). As John often addresses Passover (2:13,23; 6:4; 11:55; 12:1; 13:1; 18:28,39; 19:14; more fully in ch. 6), plus other festivals like Tabernacles (7:2) and Hanukkah (10:22), in this chapter he addresses the Sabbath. As in many other narratives of Jesus» signs (3:1–21; 6:1–71; 9:1–41), this one leads to a response.5717

The water of the pool of Bethesda, like the ritual water in most of the preceding chapters, is ineffectual, leaving a man paralyzed for thirty-eight years until Jesus comes to heal him. While the water of such a pool would not be used in official Jewish ritual, its significance on a popular level must have been great.

We lack multiple attestation of the account, but the healing of the lame (which signifies the messianic era in Isa 35and was not performed by OT prophets) is consonant with the Jesus tradition (Matt 11/ Luke 7:22; Matt 15:30–31; 21:14).5718 More critically in this case, its close knowledge of Jerusalem, confirmed by a pre-70 record from Qumran, as well as the probable attestation of a healing cult at the cite, suggests the authenticity of the basic story.5719 What we do have multiple attestation for is the frequency of Jesus healing persons, sometimes on the Sabbath (Mark 3:2–5). It is also not surprising that, given Jesus» activity on the Sabbath, we also have controversies between Jesus and other interpreters of biblical Sabbath law.5720

1. Jesus, Not Bethesda, Heals (5:l-9a)

1A. The Occasion (5:1,9)

«After these things» (μετά ταϋτα) is a rather indefinite (though frequent Johannine) chronological marker,5721 and John's mention of «a Jewish feast» does not clarify matters substantially beyond this; for him, both Passover (6:4) and Tabernacles (7:2) are called «the Jewish feast.» The unidentified feast of 5has been identified with Purim,5722 Pentecost,5723 Tabernacles,5724 or perhaps Rosh Hashanah,5725 since many early manuscripts omit the article. If «the feast» is read, Sukkoth is surely in view;5726 but since no special associations with Sukkoth appear (unlike John 7–9), it is probable that the «feast» is simply an explanation for why Jesus has returned to Jerusalem, since he makes the journey to Jerusalem only for the feasts (cf. also 2:13; 10:22–23; 12:12).

That John does not specify the particular festival, however, but merely uses it to locate Jesus in Jerusalem is probably deliberate. The real calendrical issue in this chapter is not an annual feast, but the Sabbath (5:9; as in the parallel 9:14),5727 and Jesus» claim to divine authority as God's shaliach to adapt Sabbath rules. From Jesus» perspective he is not undermining the Sabbath, but challenging «the Jews"» interpretation of it (7:22–24). The purpose is not to undermine the Sabbath but to support the high Christology in which Jesus acts as his Father does.5728 John is not the only Gospel author to inform us that Jesus» religious accusers felt that his Sabbath behavior was «unlawful» (εξεστιν, 5:10; Mark 2:24,26; 3:4; 10:2; 12:14; Luke 14:3); but from John's perspective, their view of unlawfulness misses the heart of God's word (18:31). The chapter ultimately leads into a comparison of Jesus with God's earlier messenger, Moses, through whom Israel received Torah, arguing that Jesus is much greater than Moses (5:45–47). This theme is further developed in ch. 6, where Jesus becomes a manna-giver far greater than Moses. The continuity between the chapters is considerably greater than advocates of transposition recognize.

1B. Bethesda (5:2)

Scholars today often credit John with topographic reliability in matters such as the one at hand; external evidence confirms the existence of a pool of Bethesda in Jerusalem before the city's destruction, even though it is usually held that John writes over two decades after that event.5729 Qumran's Copper Scroll attests Judean awareness of the pool's title before 70 C.E. (3Q15 11.12–13, «By Bethesdatayin, in the pool where you enter is a smaller basin»).5730

John cites the pool by its «Hebrew»5731 name, but, while our current manuscripts have variants of the name (e.g., «Bethzatha»), «Bethesda» seems to be the most likely reading, especially in view of Qumran's Copper Scrol1.5732 The pool is near the «sheep gate» (5:2), which, like the rest of old Jerusalem, was near the temple (Neh 3:31–32; 12:39–40; cf. John 2:14–15). A lame man might be excluded from some sacred precincts (Lev 21:18; cf. 2Sam 5:8), but certainly not from the vicinity of the Temple Mount. Locating the pool by the «sheep gate» is probably a historical remembrance, but it might also serve to further connect the narrative with ch. 9, where the healed man is one of the sheep, and those who seek to lead him elsewhere are those who ignore the true «sheep gate» (John 10:1–4, 7–8).5733

Alternative possibilities for its site exist, but most commentators continue to prefer the site of the Twin Pools beneath St. Annés Monastery,5734 which excavators identified as the Pool of Bethesda.5735 The pools were apparently as large as a football field, and about twenty feet deep.5736 The «five porticoes» (5:2) represent a porch on each of the four sides and one separating the two pools,5737 perhaps to separate the men and the women.5738 The pool to the north is smaller than the one to the south; the structure, seven or eight meters deep, gathered much rain water.5739 Public baths were a standard feature of Hellenistic-Roman cities,5740 and in Greco-Roman cities, porticoes, like temples, theaters, baths, and gymnasia, were public places,5741 so it would not be unusual to find beggars and other people in such places.5742 Often donors built porticoes to shield worshipers or others from inclement weather, so they would not be deterred from gathering.5743

Even members of John's audience unfamiliar with Bethesda would recognize here the basic associations with waters for healing. On occasion, oracles instructed people to wash in (2 Kgs 5:10) or drink from (Valerius Maximus 2.4.5) local waters for healing. Much more regularly, healing shrines were common in Greek religion,5744 and water was typically associated with them; along with the temple and a place for sleeping, a spring for purification was an essential component of ancient Greek healing sanctuaries.5745 The masses of sick people who crowded Palestinian Jewish hot springs and healing baths5746 may suggest some degree of transference of the Greek expectation of supernatural intervention at such sites. Despite the fact that the late texts that add 5:3b-4 may have no longer had any tradition concerning the original reason the man expected the waters to heal him (v. 7),5747 there is some evidence that healing properties had been attributed to this pool in folklorish tradition:

In 1866 a broken marble foot was found in the debris in the vaults of the Church of St. Anne. On the top was this inscription in Greek:… «Pompeia Lucilia dedicated (this as a votive gift).» … The donor, a Roman lady to judge by her name, had certainly visited the place and left a sign of her visit; it could be that the foot commemorates a healing. Paleographically the inscription may be from the second century. At that time the Pool of Bethesda may have been a pagan healing sanctuary.5748

Pagans reused earlier sanctuaries or sacred space (Aelia Capitolina, for example, reused the Jerusalem temple site for a pagan one).5749 If the dating to the second century is correct, it is unlikely that the pagan tradition derived from a Christian interpretation of the Fourth Gospel; it is far more likely that it reflects an earlier popular Jewish tradition. No doubt this use of Bethesda as a healing bath would have been regarded as unorthodox by the establishment,5750 but Theissen is surely right when he notes, «In Jn 5.Iff. Jesus is in competition with ancient healing sanctuaries.»5751 Jesus replaces not only Johns baptism (1:31–33), ritual purity (2:6), proselyte baptism (3:5), and the Samaritan water of Jacobs well (4:14) but also the water of a popular healing cult.

The water in this case is more a part of the stage props for the miracle that leads to a proclamation of Jesus» supremacy over the Sabbath and Moses, than a focus on the issue of purification itself. Given the possible exodus allusion in the «thirty-eight years» (5:5), the «troubling of the waters» (John 5:7) might suggest an allusion to the exodus; the same language appears in Ps 77(76LXX), which depicts the time when God led his people «like a flock» by Moses and Aaron (ώς πρόβατα, 77[76LXX]; cf. John 5:2), and that entire Psalm assures its hearers that the God who acted in the past exodus would act again (Ps 77:8–15).5752 Such an exodus allusion is not particularly clear, and even John's biblically literate audience may not have recognized it even if he intended it. Other proposed allusions, if any allusions are present, are, however, weaker.

While some see the passage as a baptismal reference,5753 others find the basis for baptismal interpretation «fragile»5754 or see an antibaptismal motif reflected in the fact that the water was not efficacious.5755 The last point is the most likely, given earlier references to water in the Gospel, but it depends almost entirely on the cumulative support of the other references. There is no reference to purification, and while replacement by the Spirit could have been implied by replacement of a popular healing shrine, there is no definite evidence that this is the case in this text. What demonstrates that this water text fits into the others is the clear antithetical parallel it provides with ch. 9,5756 where the evidence of ritual water and the Spirit (in the context of Sukkoth) is much clearer.

1C. The Johannine Context

This miracle story provides a direct foil for the miracle story in 9:1–14, together coupling a positive and negative example of response to Jesus. Being touched by Jesus is inadequate without perseverance (8:31–32). Other ancient texts also sometimes coupled the lame and the blind; even though other healings might be mentioned in the context, a summary statement could focus specifically on the lame and the blind, perhaps as the most dramatic cures.5757

Culpepper lays out the parallel structure of the passages as follows:5758


Lame man Blind man
(1) History described (5:5) (1) History described (9:1)
(2) Jesus takes initiative (5:6) (2) Jesus takes initiative (9:6)
(3) Pool's healing powers (3) Pool of Siloam, healing (9:7)
(4) Jesus heals on Sabbath (5:9) (4) Jesus heals on Sabbath (9:14)
(5) Jews accuse him of violating Sabbath (5:10) (5) Pharisees accuse Jesus of violating Sabbath (9:16)
(6) Jews ask who healed him (5:12) (6) Pharisees ask who healed him (9:15)
(7) Doesn't know where or who Jesus is (5:13) (7) Doesn't know where or who Jesus is (9:12)
(8) Jesus finds him and invites belief (5:14)5759 (8) Jesus finds him and invites belief (9:35)
(9) Jesus implies relation between his sin and suffering (5:14) (9) Jesus rejects sin as explanation for his suffering (9:3)
(10) Man goes to Jews (5:15) (10) Jews cast man out (9:34–35)
(11) Jesus works as his Father is working (5:17) (11) Jesus must do the works of one who sent him (9:4)

Contrasting of characters was a common enough rhetorical device; John presents both a positive and a negative paradigm of initial discipleship, fleshing out the warning for perseverance in 8:30–36.

The close relationship between these two passages suggests that the function of the water in the two passages is analogous or antithetically paralle1. That in the first case the water is not effective, and in the second case, the water only heals (a promise not made for the pool of Siloam as it was for Bethesda) because Jesus «sent» the man there, suggests that Jewish piety is still in the background, and that Jesus» touch in person symbolizes for the Johannine community how the other Paraclete, Jesus» presence in the Spirit, functions in their time. This suggestion is further strengthened by the fact that the waters of the pool of Siloam come to point to the work of the Spirit in 7:37–39, the one water passage intervening between chs. 5 and 9 (though only the most informed members of John's audience would necessarily recognize the Siloam allusion there).

1D. The Miracle (5:5–9a)

Although no official condemnation existed and Jewish ethics would have taught the opposite, many people in the ancient Mediterranean viewed the lame with contempt.5760 Some have linked the duration of the man's illness (5:5) with Israel's wandering in the desert;5761 this is quite possible, but the mention of the hardship's duration may simply indicate the depth of the man's plight to heighten the miracle.5762 The demonstration involved in picking up the bed serves a similar function.5763 Such beds were the barest minimum possession,5764 and for the poor were typically mats spread on the floor, often made from palm leaves.5765 Miracle stories often emphasize the suddenness of the miracle.5766

The life of an infirm person was typically shaped by the infirmity.5767 This may be one reason Jesus confronts the man with the question whether he wants to get wel1.5768 Usually in the Gospel traditions Jesus heals those who seek him, rather than seeking them out (e.g., Mark 1:30, 32, 40; 2:3–4; 3:10; 5:23; 7:26, 32; 8:22; 9:18), though there are apparently exceptions (e.g., Mark 1:25; 3:3). Sometimes Jesus would even request clarification, despite the obvious (Mark 10:51). When Jesus asks the man if he wishes to be healed, the man misunderstands.5769 Misunderstanding appears in some other ancient miracle stories,5770 but is a critical Johannine motif (see comment on 3:4). Jesus» command to take up the bed and «walk» may reflect a wordplay on John's theological use of walking (e.g., 8:12; 11:9–10; 12:35; 1 John 1:7; 2 John 4, 6; 3 John 3–4; some other texts, like 6:66, may reflect such a wordplay): one physically saved by Jesus, like one he has saved spiritually, must walk accordingly. But whether John intends such a double entendre here is less than clear; in many cases «walking» functions on a purely literal level (probably in 1:36; 6:19; 7:1; 10:23; 11:54; 21:18).

2. Different Views of the Sabbath (5:9b-16)

John surprises the reader both here and in ch. 9 by suddenly announcing the Sabbath (and consequent controversy) after the healing story;5771 perhaps this is meant to produce reader empathy for the healed person to heighten the irrelevance of the opponents» theological criteria. The issue here is not only the Sabbath but the law as a whole. Jewish teachers often regarded dismissing one commandment as tantamount to dismissing the whole of the Torah;5772 this principle would have been still more true (qal vaomer) for a «heavy» biblical commandment like that of the Sabbath.5773 Thus for Jesus» opponents in this passage, a violation of the Sabbath can indicate a cavalier attitude toward Torah and Moses in general, whereas Jesus will appeal to Moses and the law in his defense (5:39, 45–47).5774 But in contrast to those whose primary concern is carrying a mat on the Sabbath (5:10), Jesus knows the man's former sin and warns against him sinning further (5:14).

2A. Sabbath Practices (5:9–12)

As noted above, Jesus commonly provided a physical demonstration of a healing, as did some of his contemporaries. In telling the man to carry his bed mat, however, Jesus contravened the Pharisaic understanding of the Sabbath (5:8–12; cf. 9:14–16). It was already against the law to carry burdens on the Sabbath, at least insofar as this could be interpreted as work (Num 15:32–35; Jer 17:21). Jesus might not interpret this physical celebration of healing as work, but many of his contemporaries surely would. Carrying anything from one domain to another could be regarded as work.5775

John probably uses «Jews» here (5:10) ironically (see introduction); the man who was healed was himself certainly Judean as wel1.5776 Jewish people held some views of the Sabbath universally, but many, including many Pharisees, recognized diverse interpretations of Sabbath practice. The Sabbath was central to Jewish practice throughout the ancient world,5777 a part of Jewish life in general, not restricted to the most pious.5778 The rest of the Roman world marked its calendar with market-days rather than a weekly religious day of rest,5779 but it was widely aware of the Jewish Sabbath.5780

The seventh day was already important in the Genesis creation narrative, but it became still more so in later tradition (e.g., Jub. 2), which declared that angels kept the Sabbath and that this day was holier than any other holy day (Jub. 2:21,30).5781 Some later rabbis even said, in notoriously hyperbolic language, that the Sabbath outweighed all other commandments of the Torah.5782 A well-educated first-century Jew could assume that Moses commanded Jewish people to assemble to learn the law together each Sabbath (Josephus Ag. Αρ. 2.175),5783 though the law itself commanded no such thing. The same writer testifies that Jewish laws required, and even the laxer Jews of Tiberias observed, retiring to ones home for a dinner when the Sabbath began around 6P.M. (Josephus Life 279).5784

Thus later rabbis meticulously detailed a fence around the Sabbath law.5785 Most Jewish people allowed some exceptions, especially for saving a life. After Syrian troops slaughtered a thousand Israelites who refused to defend themselves on the Sabbath (1Macc 2:34–38), most Jewish pietists contended that the law would permit defensive warfare on the Sabbath (2:41).5786 But any activity that could be done before the Sabbath was prohibited on the Sabbath.5787 Although matters of life and death remained exceptions, and common people were probably less particular, the Pharisees probably opposed minor medical cures on the Sabbath.5788

It is doubtful that Jesus himself rejected the Sabbath, though he clearly interpreted and applied it quite differently from most of his contemporaries. Even in John, Jesus defends his Sabbath practice with good halakic argument (see comment on 7:22–23), although in this passage it depends on a high Christology his opponents do not share (5:17).5789 As Vermes notes, «If, as is often claimed, the evangelists aimed at inculcating … Christian doctrine such as the annulment of the Sabbath legislation … they did a pitiful job which falls far short of proving their alleged thesis.»5790 One may suspect that wishful thinking of later Gentile Christianity generated some of the later antinomian or partly antinomian traditions of interpretation.

Some Christians, probably especially Jewish Christians, continued to observe the Sabbath centuries later,5791 just as many Jewish and Gentile Christians, convinced that the teaching remains scriptural, continue to do today. Nevertheless some later rabbinic texts stereotype sectarians, probably largely Christian, as challenging the Sabbath,5792 suggesting that correct interpretation and practice of the Sabbath remained a major issue of controversy between Jesus» followers and many of their Jewish contemporaries. For John, the keeping of the Sabbath while executing Jesus (19:31) would appear the epitome of unrighteous judgment (cf. 7:24; 8:15).

2B. Second Chance (5:13–15)

Jesus follows up on the healing by inviting the man to change his lifestyle.5793 The man did not know where his healer was because Jesus slipped away in the midst of a crowd (5:13; compare Mark's Messianic Secret). That the temple crowds, especially in times of feasts, provided opportunity to become inconspicuous, is clear from Josephus's description of the escapes of terrorist assassins there (Josephus War 2.254–255). Jesus, however, finds him (as with the healed man in 9:35).

That Jesus finds him in the temple suggests an early tradition and/or John's knowledge of Jerusalem topography; the pool of Bethesda was directly «north-northeast of the temple area.»5794 Perhaps he had gone directly to the temple to offer thanks for his recovery;5795 in any case, the place serves a theological as well as geographical function in locating opposition to Jesus in the Jerusalem temple area (5:14–18), hence again with the powerful Judean elite who would have reason to feel threatened by the new temple of Jesus (2:19–21). In contrast to the man blind from birth (9:2–3), this man's malady apparently stemmed from sin (5:14).5796 Jesus was sinless (8:46) and came to free people from sin (1:29; cf. 20:23), but those who refused to believe him would remain enslaved to sin (8:21, 24, 34), and those who rejected him after he revealed truth had greater sin (9:41; 15:22,24). Others in the ancient world understood that the disobedience of a suppliant for healing could lead to greater suffering than one had experienced before.5797 A prominent book of wisdom advised Jews who had sinned to add no more (μηκέτι) sins and to repent of their earlier sins (Sir 21:1).5798

Also in contrast to the man blind from birth (9:38), this man does not become a disciple of Jesus. Like some members of the Johannine community touched by Jesus, he falls away (cf. 6:66; 1 John 2:19), becoming a betrayer (5:15; cf. 6:71). Already aware that the leaders opposed Jesus, he informs on Jesus and so prefigures analogous acts of betrayal in the Gospel (cf. the parallel actions in 11:45–46; cf. 18:2–3).5799 (Confessing Jesus only as healer would not impress the authorities; see introduction on signs, ch. 7. Nor is he disciplined like the man in John 9.) Thus Jesus may protest that his opponents seek to stone him for «good works» (10:32–33).

2C. Persecuting Jesus for Sabbath Violation (5:16)

Under later rabbinic rules, which may or may not reflect earlier Pharisaic ideals, Sabbath violation was in theory worthy of death.5800 Nevertheless, under the same rules it would have been impossible to have found someone sufficiently guilty of Sabbath violation to warrant execution in practice.5801 The Essenes observed the Sabbath more strictly than others,5802 probably sharing the view of Jubilees that death was appropriate for even minor infractions such as intercourse with onés wife (50:8) or fasting (50:12–13) on the Sabbath.5803 Nevertheless, in practice they commuted the biblical death sentence for its violation.5804

Jesus» conflicts in the Synoptics with his contemporaries concerning the Sabbath were relatively minor by the standards of Sabbath controversies of the period.5805 Some other groups did apparently come to blows,5806 and individual representatives of some groups might wish Jesus» death in contradiction to their own group's ethical teachings;5807 Josephus attests that some aristocrats went so far as seeking to kill a fellow aristocratic rival for influence (in this instance, himself).5808 Jesus» conflicts with Pharisees concerning the Sabbath are multiply attested in the tradition and are likely historica1.5809 But by themselves Jesus» interpretations of the Sabbath in the Synoptics would have generated far less hostility than the more forthright christological claims of the Fourth Gospel, which here escalate a controversy over Sabbath interpretation into a more substantial debate about the character of God!5810 Persecution (5:16) escalates to a desire to kill (5:18), though this desire, too, contravened general Pharisaic leniency. The persecution Jesus faced (5:16) also warned John's audience what at least in principle awaited them (15:20).

The Father Authorized the Son (5:17–47)

The Pharisees have a different understanding of the Sabbath from that of Jesus (5:9–16). Because Jesus grounds his own Sabbath work in that of his Father (5:17), the Pharisees charge Jesus with seeking to make himself equal with God (5:18). This sets the stage for one of the Gospel's lengthy christological discourses: far from seeking to make himself equal with the Father, Jesus merely carries out what the Father commissioned him to do (5:17–30). The sticking point in the debate with the synagogue must be Jesus» frank admission that the Father's commission for the Son includes divine acts like raising the dead and judging the world, and divine attributes like having life in himself. Thus Jesus also cites various witnesses on his behalf (5:31–47), the central and most critical being the Father (5:36–44).

1. Doing the Fathers Will (5:17–30)

Far from rebelling against God's law (5:16) or dishonoring God (5:18) as some have charged, Jesus imitated his Father as a son should, carrying out the Father's will as his agent (5:17–30).

1A. Annulling the Sabbath and Claiming Equality with God? (5:17–18)

Some scholars argue, on the basis of John's term έλυεν (5:18), that Jesus not only violates the Sabbath here but annulls it.5811 The term itself offers no complaint: in John it can mean not only «destroy» (2:19; cf. 1 John 3:8) but violation of the law (7:23; cf. Matt 5:19), which in practice again meant annulling the law, for all blatant violations of Torah were held to annul it.5812 Nevertheless, later Gentile Christian tradition seems likely for the interpretation of this passage that suggests that Jesus either violated or annulled the law. The claim that Jesus annulled the law is not his but that of his opponents. Throughout this Gospel, the group called the «Jews» are unreliable characters; in this context they also prove wrong in thinking that Jesus claims equality with the Father (see Jesus» clarification in 5:19–30).5813 Jesus himself shares their view that Scripture cannot be «annulled» (10:35).5814 Thus it is unlikely that John or Jesus views himself as «annulling» the Sabbath; rather, in John's view Jesus is acting as God's agent to do what no one denied that God could do on the Sabbath.

Jesus argues that God regularly supersedes the Sabbath. By implying («my Father» in a special sense that allowed him to act on the Father's authority) his minor premise that he is God's agent, he concludes that he is therefore permitted to do God's work on the Sabbath (5:17). The major premise, that God was active on the Sabbath, was not a matter of dispute.5815 On the basis of Gen 2:2–3, Jewish pietists had to believe that God rested on the seventh day (also Jub. 2); in some texts later rabbis declared that God finished his work of creating but continued his work of judging (cf. John 5:22,24,27,30).5816 Yet the rabbis also recognized that God daily renewed his work of creation;5817 in miracles God could continue to create after finishing the creation;5818 he continues to matchmake, thereby sustaining his creation.5819 Just as one may observe the Sabbath in onés own courtyard, God is free to observe it as he wills in his creation.5820 Others, like Philo, emphasized that though God rested on the seventh day, this means only that his activity requires no labor; he never ceases from his activity, because creation continues to depend on him.5821

It is Jesus» implied minor premise to which his opponents object (5:18). The issue is not calling God «Father» (5:18) in a general sense, as this was a title for God in Judaism and for the supreme deity among many pagans as wel1.5822 The issue is that he calls him his Father in a way unique to himself, implying something more than solidarity with the Jewish people as God's children (see the debate in 8:37–47). Rather than understanding him as God's agent, however, they characteristically misunderstand him, assuming that he claims equality with the Father. Such a claim could be either positive (in the sense of godlike) or negative (in the sense of presumptuous) in Greek thought,5823 but to Judean teachers would definitely appear blasphemous in the broader sense of the term (cf. Gen 3:5; Isa 14:14; Ezek 28:2).5824 Despite John s tendentious portrait of his opponents, their affirmations of monotheism against the Christian claims probably do represent the voice of the Jewish theological opponents of Johns audience, not mere fabrication.5825 «Equal to God» is a close equivalent of a later rabbinic phrase meaning to make oneself independent from God, similar to a phrase applied to a son who casts off the yoke of his parents.5826 The charge of ditheism became significant in later rabbinic controversy with the sectarians, probably including the large number of Jewish Christians who continued to affirm Jesus» deity.5827 Even 3 Enoch, which calls Metatron «the lesser YHWH» (12:5), condemns as apostasy the view that there are «two powers in heaven» (16:2). Probably the opponents of John's community also charged the Jewish Christians with ditheism;5828 John responds that if one does not have Jesus, one does not have God ( 1 John 2:22–23). Jesus denies equality of rank with his Father in his ensuing response (5:19–30).

It is for such blasphemy that some seek (cf. 7:1; 10:39) to kill him (5:18; 8:59; 10:39). Though such plotting contravened the best in Pharisaic ethics, evidence remains for intra-Jewish violence over doctrinal points in this period (see comment above). That they sought «even more» to kill him (5:18) probably alludes to Jesus» earlier challenge to «destroy this temple» (2:19).5829

1B. The Son Does What the Father Teaches Him (5:19–20)

In 5:19–30, Jesus responds to the view that he «makes himself» equal with God, arguing that he is not making himself equal with God.5830 Their claim is false for two reasons. First, to «make oneself» something was to claim authority or identity one did not have;5831 to make oneself a deity was universally regarded as an act of foolish, arrogant presumption.5832 (In fact, the discourse plays on the semantic range of ποιέω in a manner difficult to render in English, though intelligible in Hebrew: Jesus does not «make» [ποιών] himself anything, 5:17, but rather «does» [ποιεί] what he sees his Father «do,» 5:18. He does not «make» himself God, but by the Father's decree is the Father's co-creator of both the first and future creations, 1:3; 5:21–22.)

Second, Jesus is not claiming rank equal with the Father, but rather that he acts in obedience and on delegated authority. In an honor-and-shame culture that highly prized disciplining boys for obedience, the claim that Jesus was «obedient» to his Father was a cause for praise.5833 From John's standpoint, Jesus is fully deity (1:1,18; 20:28),5834 but he also submits to the Father, whose rank is greater than his own (10:29; 14:28). Thus Jesus does not claim equality of rank (cf. Phil 2:6); in view of his prologue, John presumably would have agreed with the later Trinitarian notion of the Father and Son sharing the same «substance» had the question been put to (and explained to) him, but he uses the term «equality» for rank, not an ontological question of nature. Ancients understood the principle of deferring honor to those to whom it belonged;5835 Judaism had proved especially jealous for God's honor.5836

Having already claimed that God is his Father, Jesus explains his own action by means of an analogy of a son who imitates and obeys his father (5:19–20).5837 Because the Father loves Jesus (5:20; cf. 3:35; 10:17; 15:9; 17:23–24), the Father shows him what to do (5:20), and Jesus has watched the Father's activity (8:38). The present active indicative for «shows,» contrasted with the future, is probably deliberate, probably implying a continuous relationship (cf. 10:15; 8:55) and not simply occasional visions. This would exceed the claims of mystics who hoped to see God in mystic ascents; Jesus remains in the Father's bosom, and only through him is God revealed (1:17–18). Πάντα, «all things,» underlines the unlimited measure of the Father's revelation to the Son; nothing remains hidden from him (cf. 15:15; 16:15; Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22). The Father would afterward show Jesus still greater works (cf. 1:50; 14:12), that they might marvel (5:20; for his works, cf. 7:21; for his teachings, cf. 3:7; 5:28; 7:15); Jesus probably refers here especially to the ultimate demonstration he would provide in his death and resurrection (2:18–19; 20:20; cf. Matt 12:39–40); thereafter the postresurrection church would carry on his signs (14:12). The Father's works that the Son will imitate will ultimately include the divine activities of raising and judging the dead (5:21–22).

The Son's imitation of the Father's deeds here may suggest the specific analogy of apprenticeship, for Jewish fathers often trained their sons in their own trade.5838 The image of God revealing his works to his special agent who watches him and learns from him would have made good sense in an early Jewish framework.5839 Jesus» works are central to the Fourth Gospel (7:3, 21), just as a protagonist's «works» usually are central to an ancient biography;5840 but Jesus» works are emulations of the Father's works, undertaken in obedience to the Father (5:36; 9:3–4; 10:25, 37–38; 14:10–11; 15:24; 17:4). Jesus does his Father's «works» (5:20,36) and came to «finish» them (4:34; 5:36), just as the Father did when he completed creation and then rested on the seventh day (συνετέλεσεν … τα έργα αύτου, Gen 2:2–3).5841 Thus Jesus was performing works as his Father had performed in creation.5842

The image of continuing God's creative work on the Sabbath would strongly imply Jesus» deity. In view of 7:23, where Jesus describes this event as making a whole person well on the Sabbath, an allusion to creation probably implies specifically the creation of humanity in Gen 1:26. If so, the background for the Father and Son working together in creation here may well be «Let us make … in our image» (Gen 1:26). This past giving of life would then foreshadow the resurrection (5:24–25),5843 an idea to which the discourse quickly turns. That resurrection will come «on the last day» (6:39, 40, 44, 54; 11:24; 12:48), an idea that might evoke the sense of the eschatological Sabbath that appears in some Jewish sources,5844 though «last day» would also be perfectly intelligible without such an allusion.5845

If such an allusion is in view, the particular wording of Gen 1LXX (και είπεν ό θεός Ποιήσωμεν άνθρωπον) is significant. «Make» with άνθρωπον as the object appears in John only in 5and 7:23, the latter a comment on this passage.5846 The LXX elsewhere declares that God «made humanity,» employing this verb (Gen 1:26, 27; 2:18; 5:1; 6:6, 7; 9:6; Wis 2:23).5847 («Likeness» from that verse maybe reflected in Jesus» imitation of the Father in 5:19; but the allusion is far from clear, since similar Johannine expressions in 6:11; 8:55; 9:9 and 21are irrelevant.)

The Father's love for the Son is good Johannine theology, but Jesus» opponents in the story world can hear it as a commonplace of family wisdom (e.g., Gen 37:4, φιλέω; 44:20, αγαπάω). Such a statement has biblical and early Jewish precedent in God's love for the patriarchs (e.g., Deut 4:37; 10:15; Isa 51LXX; cf. Deut 33:12); for David (1 Chr 17LXX); for Solomon (Neh 13:26); for Moses (Sir 45:1); and for Israel (e.g., Deut 7:8,13; 23:5; 1 Kgs 10:9; 2 Chr 9:8; Hos 3:1; Pss. So1. 9:8).5848 The Father's particular love for Jesus appears in the Synoptic tradition at the baptism and transfiguration, the two decisive points at which God speaks (Mark 1:11; 9:7).

John frames this part of the discourse with Jesus» claim not to act «from himself,» or on his own initiative or authority (5:19, 30),5849 fitting the Jewish conception of the agent who carries out his commission.5850 Jesus elsewhere emphasizes that he does nothing «from himself» (άφ» εαυτού, 5:30; 7:17–18, 28; 8:28, 42; 14:10), as the Spirit does not (16:13), and that the disciples cannot produce anything profitable from themselves (15:5). Acting «from oneself» signifies independence; for John its negation can signify divine inspiration (11:51).5851 Thus Jewish tradition emphasized that Moses explicitly claimed to speak only on God's authority, not his own.5852

1C. Honor the Son Who Gives Life and Judges (5:21–23)

To praise oneself without good excuse was considered offensive (see below on the introduction of 5:31–47); but for ancient hearers the claims here go beyond any normal hubris of mortal self-praise. Jesus shares the Father's works of bringing life (5:21) and judging (5:22); the Father delegated these works to him so that humanity would worship Jesus as they worship the Father (5:23). Such a claim could sound only like ditheism to many of Jesus» and John's contemporaries. Worshiping humans who wanted to be divine was certainly idolatry, but the informed reader knows that Jesus was actually of divine rank and became human (1:1,14).5853

Like the Father, Jesus could give life (5:21; cf. 17:2); this made him act in a divine manner.5854 The resurrection of the dead was a divine work,5855 specifically attributed to God in the oft-recited Shemoneh Esreh; God was widely viewed as the giver of life,5856 hence the only one who life was not contingent on a giver of life (see comment on 5:26). Jesus» claim here could further his opponents» perception that he articulated a sort of ditheism.5857 In this context, the healing of the man at the pool of Bethesda prefigures in a small way the resurrection; Jesus will raise (έγείρει) the dead, just as he told the lame man to «rise» (έγειρε, 5:8; cf. 4:50).5858 The point is that if Jesus has authority to raise the dead at the last day of this era, then qal vaomer, how much more, does he have authority to heal on the Sabbath, the last day of the week (cf. Mark 2:10–11). That he gives life to «whomever he wills» (5:21) reinforces the image of divinity in this Gospel; God made alive (cf. 6:57, 63) and drew to life those whom he willed (6:37,44, 65; cf. 3:8).

The discourse reports a number of divine activities the Father has «given» the Son: judgment (5:22,27), life in himself (5:26), and divine works (5:36; cf. 5:20). Since these activities come from the Father, those who complain about the Son's exercise of these prerogatives must complain against the Father, just as one who rejected an agent rejected the one who sent him (see introduction on agency, pp. 310–17).

The claim that God delegates the judgment to Jesus would have unnerved his opponents (5:22).5859 Even Moses, to whom Jesus» opponents will appeal (5:45), could not judge all Israel by himself (Exod 18:14–18; Deut 1:9–13).5860 Some Jewish traditions suggest God delegating judgment in some matters to figures such as Enoch or Abel,5861 perhaps modeled on Greek notions of Minos and Rhadamanthys as judges in the realm of Hades.5862 The Similitudes of 1 Enoch even portray the final judgment being delegated to the son of man ( 1 En. 69:27); these writings are of uncertain date and might betray Christian influence, but Daniel spoke of the Son of Man reigning, presumably including at least a measure of judging (Dan 7:13–14).5863 God's people would also exercise judgment over the nations in the eschatological war.5864 But all these images refer to judgment in a limited sense; the prevailing picture is of God judging alone5865 or (an image especially common in later texts) simply listening to members of his court as a judge might hear voices in a case.5866 Jewish people also sometimes understood God as judging in the present era,5867 a thesis Jesus apparently accepts in this Gospel (3:17; 8:50; 12:47). Yet John teaches that the Father delegated authority for divine acts to Jesus (3:35), and that he judges along with the Father (8:16); he seems to have delegated the eschatological judgment to Jesus in particular (cf. 12:48; Rev 19:11). Some of John s imagery stands in creative tension that forces the hearer to qualify its sense: Jesus did not come for the purpose of condemning (3:17), but he is authorized to judge (5:22).5868

Because some believed that God had shared some of his honor with Moses (following Exod 3),5869 Jesus» claim that the Father shared honor with the Son (5:23) could be interpreted less offensively (cf. Isa 44:23; 46:13; 49:3; 60:1–2). Some Tannaim argued that God wanted his prophets to honor both the Father and the son (Israel).5870 But because Jesus claims that people should honor the Son even as (καθώς) they honor the Father, he utters a claim to divine rank (cf. Isa 48); one cannot have the Father without the Son or vice-versa (cf. 1 John 2:23). Even Roman emperors could affirm their authority by using a phrase equivalent to «just as» to assert a direct linkage with earlier, deified emperors.5871 That «all» should honor him (5:23) emphasizes the universality of Christ's sovereign authority (1:7; 5:28–29).

Further, Jesus both answers the basic charge and returns it, a common rhetorical technique (see our introduction to 8:37–51). In contrast with their charge of blasphemy, Jesus honors his Father. But because he is the Father's representative (see discussion of the «sent one» under Christology in the introduction, ch. 7) whom the Father honors (5:23), by dishonoring Jesus they are dishonoring the Father (cf. the same idea more explicitly in 8:49). Jesus thus effectively returns the charge against them: it is they, not he, who dishonor the Father.

1D. Jesus as Life-Giver in the Present and the Future (5:24–30)

Jesus returns to the claim that the Father has authorized him to give life (5:21) with the image of realized eschatology implied by «passed from death to life» (5:24); one already abides in death until believing in the one who sent Jesus, hence in Jesus» delegated mission (cf. also 3:18).5872 Numerous ancient texts employ «death» figuratively or spiritually;5873 some Jewish texts employ «death» eschatologically, as in Rev 2:11; 20:6, though sometimes (in likely contrast to Revelation's use) for annihilation.5874 «Life» and «death» figure prominently in the Fourth Gospel, often spiritually (6:50; 8:51; cf. 8:21, 24). Even when literal (e.g., 4:47; 6:49, 58; 8:52; 11:13, 14, 16, 21, 25, 32, 37, 44, 51; 21:23), they sometimes illustrate spiritual realities (11:26). «Passing» from death to life, like being «born from above» (3:3), implies a line of demarcation between those who have returned to God's side and those who remain arrayed against him (cf. 1 John 3:14; Wis 7:27; Col 1:13). Response to Jesus» «word» decided onés destiny (5:24; 12:48; cf. 5:38), for how one treats envoys indicates how one would treat their sender.5875

In some early Jewish circles, the present Sabbath prefigured an eschatological Sabbath era;5876 if John intends such a connection between the Sabbath (5:9) and Jesus» eschatological works (5:25–29), however, it is not clear. What is clear is that the Father who delegated Jesus his authority to act in the future5877 has also given him authority to interpret and adapt the Sabbath in the present.

Most Jewish people affirmed the resurrection of the righteous (5:25).5878 The future expectation indicated in 5:28–29 likewise speaks of a future resurrection.5879 That God's voice brings life would not surprise Jesus» hearers, though such a claim for a human voice would sound jarring.5880 (His claim shortly thereafter that they did not know God's voice would also disturb them; see comment in 5:37.) But the «now is» in 5is significant (cf. 4:23): the believer enters new life (3:3,5) and has in the present the life of the future age (3:15–16). Those who believe «hear» or «heed» Jesus» voice (cf. 18:37), which for John's audience can allude to the Spirit's life-giving power in creating and leading disciples (3:8; 10:3–4). Thus when Jesus cries «with a great voice» and Lazarus comes forth alive (11:43–44), this act prefigures Jesus» eschatological role but also symbolizes his present role as giver of life (11:26).5881

Jesus» claim that he has life in himself as the Father does (5:26) would be confusing to most ancient Jewish hearers.5882 Early Jewish works called God «self-begotten» (αύτολόχευτος; αυτοφυής),5883 as did some pagan sources.5884 Jewish people also called God «uncreated» (άποίητος)5885 and "unbegotten»;5886 pagans also called the supreme god and high gods «unbegotten.»5887 Others applied similar language about God's self-sufficiency, lack of contingency, and difference from all creation.5888 Following their Scriptures, Jewish people also recognized God as the «living one»5889 and therefore spoke of his true immortality.5890 Jewish people could relate such conceptions to the popular interpretation of «Yahweh» as the one who is (Exod 3:14), existing in both past and future in the same way he exists in the present (Rev 1:4, 8; 4:8J.5891

By claiming that he has life in himself, Jesus seems to make a claim to deity. By claiming that the Father delegated this authority to him, however, he acknowledges the Father's superior rank (5:26). He also claims to live because of the Father (6:57). Polytheistic syncretism could lead to considerable confusion in roles; thus one could address Helios as the «greatest of gods,» «god of gods,» then entreat him for access «to the supreme god, the one who has begotten and made you.»5892 But in a Jewish context, one might think best of God's agent, Wisdom or the Logos (see comment on 1:1–18).

The claim that the Son would participate in the judgment would probably shock most of Jesus» hearers (see 5:22, above), but now Jesus explains why he will judge (5:27). The Father has committed judgment to his Son,5893 because his Son is also the Son of Man. The point could be that Jesus participates fully in humanity (1:14) and hence is an appropriate judge for humanity (cf. Heb 5:2); hence the distinctively anarthrous use of «Son of Man» here.5894 Even in the LXX of Dan 7:13, however, «Son of Man» is anarthrous, and it is the allusion to that Son of Man that most fully explains Jesus» authority here. (On Jesus» likely historical claim to be Son of Man, see the Christology section in chapter 7 of our introduction, esp. p. 304.)

People should not marvel at Jesus» claims, for he would one day demonstrate them by raising all the dead (5:28).5895 The future form of 5(«an hour is coming») without the present (cf. 5:25) shows that Johns eschatology is not wholly realized, as do other references such as the last day (6:39; cf. 11:24) and the explicit mention of «tombs» in 5:28. (Other texts connect «tombs» with the final resurrection,5896 but the most likely source of the language here is Isa 26LXX.)5897 The «tombs» call attention to the later mention of Lazarus's and Jesus» tombs (11:17,31,38; 12:17; 19:41–42; 20:1–11), from which the physically dead are restored, and in the most dramatic way in the second case.

Jesus speaks of a resurrection to life and to judgment (5:29). One could not discuss the resurrection and the day of judgment separately from one another; the discourse thus moves back and forth between «life» and judgment (5:24–29).5898 God would resurrect both the righteous and unrighteous, distinguishing them from each other, in much early Jewish5899 and early Christian5900 thought. Jewish texts were explicit that the wicked would have no part in the «resurrection to life» (2Macc 7:14, similar to Johns phrase here: άνάστασις είς ζωήν). Many affirmed permanent destruction for the wicked, whether following or without a resurrection (e.g., Pss. Sol 3:11–12; 13:11).5901 For John, those who do works in God embrace Christ and those whose works are evil are those who reject his light (3:19–21).

The resurrection of both the righteous and the wicked may have been a matter of some controversy in early Judaism, but there was much wider agreement that God would judge both good and evil (5:29). That he would judge each person according to that persons deeds was a commonplace of both early Jewish5902 and Christian (cf. Rom 2:6; Rev 22:12; Matt 16:27) teaching, rooted in their common biblical heritage (Ps 62:12).

Jesus again reiterates that he does nothing without the Father's direction (5:30), reinforcing his protest that he is completely submissive to the Father's will (5:19). He does nothing «from himself» (5:19; 8:28, 42; 12:49; 14:10), as the Spirit does not (16:13) and disciples should not (15:5). Jesus not only sees (5:19–20) but hears (5:30; cf. 8:38) his Father, hence executes judgment according to his Father's wil1. Jesus» claim that his judgment is just (5:30; cf. Rev 19:11) may allude to a saying in a well-known wisdom work widely circulated by this period: Only God can demonstrate that his judgment is not unrighteous (ούκ άδίκως εκρινας, Wis 12:13). If so, Jesus again claims his deity. Jesus again emphasizes his obedience to the Father's will as a perfect agent (5:30; 4:34; 6:38).

2. Witnesses for Jesus (5:31–47)

Confronted by accusations that he is guilty of blasphemy, a capital offense (5:18), Jesus responds by citing witnesses in his defense. He accommodates the biblical rule that requires at least two witnesses to validate testimony in a capital case (Num 35:30; Deut 17:6; 19:15).5903 Indeed, testimony on onés own behalf was easily dismissed in a court of law.5904 Ancient Greek and Roman courts weighed heavily arguments from probability.5905 Nevertheless, witnesses often proved essential for demonstrating a case.5906 When honorable men testified, people listened; but if the case went against them and their testimony was deemed false, they lost honor.5907 Perhaps the opponents of John's community, like Jesus» opponents in this passage, complained that Jesus was an isolated voice making a bizarre claim for himself; perhaps they had even cited the requirement for dual testimony to the Johannine community (Jesus» opponents certainly cite it to Jesus [8:13]).5908 Such conflicts for Jesus» followers (cf. 9:24–34; 16:2) may suggest one reason that forensic imagery pervades the Gospel's apologetic.5909

Jesus thus answers the charge that he alone testifies of himself (5:31; 8:14–16). He cites the witness of John (5:33), and on a higher level the Father's works (5:36) and hence the Father himself (5:37), who also spoke (5:38) through the Scriptures (5:39) including Moses (5:46–47) to testify of Jesus. In other words, the claim that Jesus testified of himself without any other supporters was false. If many did not accept and share in the witness, it was only because the world was too corrupt to recognize and understand heaven's agent (3:11–12,32–33).5910 John often addresses the truthfulness of witness (5:31–32): the Pharisees critiqued Jesus» apparent self-witness (8:13), but the Father was the main witness on Jesus» behalf (3:33; 8:14), and the beloved disciple as a model disciple would also offer true testimony to Jesus (19:35; 21:24).

The principle Jesus articulates in this passage would have been intelligible in an early Jewish milieu. Ancient Mediterranean culture in general frowned on self-praise except in specific sorts of circumstances that could justify it.5911 (Indeed, some enemies of Christianity in late antiquity complained that Jesus» exalted self-claims–e.g., 8:12–constituted a form of self-testimony, contradicting 5and making Jesus a «liar.»)5912 Tannaim warned against self-exaltation, especially any self-exaltation that could be construed as exaltation above Torah.5913 In one Tannaitic tradition, no onés self-glorification counted, but Moses was glorified by God himself.5914

2A. Johns Witness (5:33–35)

When they had sent to John (1:19, 22), he had testified to the truth (1:19; cf. 1:6–8,15; 10:41), as 5reminds the audience. John was not the light (1:8–9), but a temporary lamp (5:35). Handheld Herodian lamps, which could quickly deplete their oil, were no match for the brilliance of celestial lights.5915 The passive voice of «kindled» may also imply that the initiative for John's mission did not stem from John himself ( 1:6).5916 Jewish tradition had already emphasized that Elijah's message came burning like a lamp (ώς λαμπάς εκαίετο, Sir 48:1), which is probably in view here.5917 Jesus» appeal to John's witness provides a strong implicit argument:5918 if Jesus» opponents listened to John (as they did in 1:19–27), even «rejoicing» in his light (5:35), should they not accept John's testimony about Jesus? Their rejoicing (cf. also John's rejoicing in Jesus [3:29]; other witnesses rejoicing in Jesus [8:56]) in John was only temporary (προς ώραν; cf. 2Cor 7:8; Gal 2:5; Phlm 15; μίαν ώραν, Rev 17:12), but it allowed them the opportunity to hear a little from a witness who honored Jesus.

Jesus did not need human witness (5:34; cf. 5:41), but offered it for their sake (cf. the strategy in 1Cor 9:19–22).5919 Jesus may here adapt a fairly familiar rhetorical device, paralipsis, in which one brings to bear evidence while denying that one can afford to do so, or at least to do so with adequate thoroughness (cf. also Heb 11:32).5920 In making an argument, speakers or writers sometimes would point out that further evidence was unnecessary, yet provide it anyway.5921

2B. The Father's Witness (5:36–44)

Jesus introduces the topic of the Father's witness in 5:36–37 and then expounds more thoroughly in a probable chiastic structure in 5:38–47:

A They reject God's word in his shaliach Jesus (5:38)

    Β Scriptures witness to Jesus (5:39–40)

    [Life in the Scriptures (5:39)/life in Christ (5:40)]

        C Jesus does not receive glory from people (5:41)

            D Jesus knows them (5:42a)

                Ε They do not love God (5:42b)

               É Jesus comes on his Father's behalf (5:43a)

            D» They do not receive Jesus (5:43b)

        C» They receive glory from one another, not God (5:44)

    B» Moses testifies to Jesus (5:45–46)

    [Judgment from Moses (5:45); Moses speaks of Christ (5:46)]

Á They reject God's word in his shaliach Moses (5:47)

The works (έργα) that the Father had given Jesus attested his identity (5:36; on Jesus» works, see comment on 5:20). Early Judaism understood that the invisible God had attested himself through his «works» (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.190), especially in creation (Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.192; cf. John 5:17, 20);5922 it was also good for God's people to make known his works, his miraculous help on their behalf (Tob 12:6). More importantly, God himself had attested Moses» virtue (Josephus Ag. Αρ. 2.290).5923 Jesus did not ultimately need John's witness because he had that of the Father (5:36)–whose witness was more important than any other, as John himself had already testified (3:33). This argument may presuppose an ancient rhetorical principle: an ancient speaker could invite his hearers to listen not merely to his words or those of his opponent, but rather to attend to the facts (εργα)–which this speaker implied that he had just presented (Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 9.52.5).

Jesus goes on the offensive in 5:37. Despite his opponents» claim to know God through the Torah, Jesus denies that they truly know God (cf. 8:55). The Gospel noted in 1:18, where it expounded on Exod 33–34, that no one has beheld God except through Jesus (also using πώποτε and a perfect of όράω); 5and 6reinforce this point.5924 Jewish teachers affirmed that Israel had heard and seen God at Sinai;5925 one early wisdom teacher claimed that at Sinai Israel saw the greatness of God's glory and their ears heard the glory of his voice (φωνή, Sir 17:13).5926 (Exod 24also says they beheld God, but Deuteronomy qualifies that; though they heard God's voice at Sinai, they did not actually see his form [ομοίωμα, Deut 4:12] only his fiery glory [Deut 4:36; 5:24].) Thus Jesus denies that those who reject him ever truly accepted the revelation of the Torah at Sinai, either (5:37);5927 they reject the Torah among them (1:11, 14) and they do not not belong to his sheep (10:4). Moses did see God έν είδει (Num 12LXX), but they have not (John 5:37); Moses heard God's voice (Num 7:89), but they have not heeded it (Deut 8:20). In this context one hears the Fathers voice only if one has heard the life-giving voice of the Son (5:24–25);5928 one has life (5:40) only in the same way (5:24–25). Jesus» disciples, like Moses of old, get to see part of God's glory, but Jesus» enemies cannot (cf. 14:21–23; see comment on 1:14–18).5929 Jesus is God's word (hence his voice; 1:1–18) and his image (14:7–9; cf. 2Cor 4:4; Col 1:15; Heb 1:3), like divine Wisdom in Jewish tradition (Wisd 7:26) or Philós Logos.5930

Failure to have God's «word» in them (5:38) continues the thought, for Jewish teachers would immediately think of having Torah in them.5931 But the sentence structure is parallel, as in 5:37bc: the word abiding in them corresponds to believing the one God sent to them. Jesus is the word, hence the Scriptures (5:39) can be truly embraced only in him (see introduction to prologue). For the Fourth Gospel, to reject the Word in flesh is to show that one does not heed the less complete revelation in the law, either ( 1:17–18).5932

Jesus could therefore urge them to genuinely search the Scriptures in 5:39; more likely, he notes that they do search the Scriptures, but to no avai1.5933 Searching the Law was an act of piety that often included returning to investigate it and implement what had been neglected (1Macc 14:14, though it uses εξεζήτησε, from εκζητέω, rather than εραυνάω, as here; cf. John 7:52; Acts 17:11); the equivalent Hebrew term was applied to diligent study of Scripture.5934 Such study was thought to bring life.5935 Because they belong to the wrong sphere, however, they cannot understand the Scriptures, which testify to the one from above.5936 While they think they have life in the Scriptures they are searching,5937 they cannot have life apart from Jesus (5:40; see comment on 1:4), and John applies the other term for «searching» to their failure to seek Gods glory (5:44).5938 (As in 5:45, δοκεΐτε probably refers to their misconceptions rather than a correct understanding.) Like the Scriptures, Jesus is God's Word (1:1–18); their rejection of him thus represents a repudiation of the very heart of Scripture.

In the ancient Mediterranean world with its competing value systems, people had to choose the groups whose honor mattered to them.5939 Jesus did not receive glory from people (5:41)–in this context, this means that he depended not on human testimony, but God's (5:32, 34, 36).5940 Meanwhile his opponents trade human honor or glory (in an ancient Mediterranean culture that heavily emphasized honor and shame) rather than seeking the honor which comes from God alone (4:44; 5:44; 12:43).5941 Given John's double entendres, it is possible that this is the glory that also reveals God's character (1:14; 12:41).5942 That Jesus «knew» their character (5:42) testifies to his divine omniscience in this Gospel (see comment on 2:23–25). Not having God's love in them (5:42) is tantamount in Johannine terms to declaring that they are not his children because they do not love him (1 John 2:15; 3:17), just as they do not have his word (5:38) or life (6:53) in them.

That Jesus was rejected though he came in the Father's name (5:43a) indicates that his adversaries are rejecting God, for to come in the Father's name meant to come as his representative (cf. 12:13).5943 That they receive another who comes in his own name (5:43b) may refer to a coming antichrist figure or false messiahs,5944 as many commentators think.5945 More likely, however, it is intended generically: unlike Jesus» true sheep, they listen to those who flaunt themselves without God's genuine attestation (10:8). They were more interested in receiving glory from one another (5:44) than in receiving Jesus (5:43); Jesus «sought» the Father's will (5:30) but they did not «seek» God's glory (5:44), that is, the ultimate honor which God alone gives (cf. 12:43). That he is the «only God» (also 17:3; cf. 1Tim 1:17) underlines that his honor alone is what counts.

2C. The Witness of Moses (5:45–47)

Jesus here challenges the views of the very people who claimed to be Moses» disciples (see 9:28). For John, it is the disciples rather than the Pharisees who truly «believe» Scripture (2:22; cf. 1:45), in contrast to the view articulated by his Pharisees, who think that they alone understand it (7:49). The claim in 5:46–47 that these Pharisees did not «believe» Moses5946 was the sort of polemic that would hardly endear Johns Jesus to his opponents– or to subsequent generations of antinomian Christians who doubted the relevance of Israel's Scripture. Earlier Gospel writers also had presented Jesus articulating such a pro-Mosaic position (e.g., Matt 5:17–18; Luke 16:17, 31). Whatever other factors in John's milieu contributed to the present language of his Gospel, he believed that Jesus» words were rooted in earlier biblical revelation (5:47).

Although John's Pharisees do not represent all of early Judaism or even all of its elite, their fidelity to Moses is perfectly believable in the light of the rest of early Jewish piety; it clearly exalted Moses.5947 He was the most righteous of all people in history.5948 Contrary to 1 Kgs 3:12, he was also the wisest of all people in history.5949 Commenting on Exod 7:1, some traditions virtually divinized Moses in the way many Greeks had divinized Plato and other philosophers.5950 (See further comments on 6:14–15.) It was no wonder that Moses «was by far the best-known figure of Jewish history in the pagan world.»5951 The witness of Moses proved important in the polemic of some streams of gospel tradition (e.g., Luke 16:31; 24:27,44; Acts 26:22; 28:23; 2Cor 3:7–18).

Various early Jewish texts present Moses as a continuing advocate or intercessor for Israel,5952 as he had been in the Bible (Exod 32:32; Jer 15:1). If John regards this tradition as well enough known that his audience may have grasped it, he may imply that these Jewish leaders regarded Moses as an advocate,5953 the way the Fourth Gospel presents the Spirit on behalf of believers (14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7) and 1 John presents Jesus (1 John 2:1);5954 but here Jesus declares that Moses will be their accuser (5:45),5955 as he elsewhere teaches that Jesus» words (12:48) and the Spirit (16:8–11) wil1. In Palestinian Judaism, «accusers» were witnesses against the defendant rather than official prosecutors (cf. 18:29),5956 an image which would be consistent with other images used in the gospel tradition (Matt 12:41–42/Luke 11:31–32). The irony of being accused by a person or document in which one trusted for vindication would not be lost on an ancient audience.5957 Thus instead of receiving «glory» before God (5:44), they would receive condemnation, and their eschatological «hope» would prove vain (5:45).

Moses» «writings» (5:46–47) were believed to be the first five books of Scripture,5958 and it was natural for Jewish commentators to emphasize that he was a truthful witness of what God revealed to him.5959 Appeals to Torah were useful in polemic; for example, one might appeal to nationalism by denouncing other Jews as betrayers of Jewish laws and collaborators with Romans (Josephus Life 135).5960 (To direct such a charge against those associated with Pharisaism might be particularly infuriating, for they were known for their scrupulous attention to the laws.)5961 The formal logic of the argument would have been effective if one accepted the premise that Moses wrote of Jesus; Jesus addresses the practice of rejection of God's message by an argument from lesser to greater.5962 The claim that «Moses wrote of me» might be taken as a reference to Deut 18:18, but though Jesus is the «prophet,» that Christology by itself is inadequate in this Gospel (cf. 6:14; 7:40, 52; 9:17). The context of this Gospel rather suggests that the reader approach this claim in light of the dominance of the prologués climax: Moses saw the glory of Jesus on Sinai when he received Torah (Exod 33–34; John 1:14–18), just as Isaiah the prophet later did (John 12:41). This closing appeal to Moses in 5:45–47 paves the way for John's narrative about the one greater than Moses who gives new manna, in ch. 6.5963

* * *

5713

Such as Bultmann, John, 209; Sloyan, John, 61; cf. discussion in Smith, John (1999), 28.

5714

See Burridge, Gospel, 228. Van der Waal, «Gospel,» 35, argues that the transposition also negates the sequence of feasts in the story world to which 7alludes.

5715

Smith, Composition, 130; Beasley-Murray, John, xliii.

5716

E.g., Judg 1:9; 16:4; 2Sam 3:28; 8:1; 10:1; 13:1; 15:1; 21:18; 1 Chr 20:4; 2 Chr 20:1; Tob 11:1; Let. Aris. 179; Xenophon Anab. 6.4.12; cf. 1 En. 89:30; Josephus Life 427; see more fully the comment on John 5:1.

5717

For a fuller exploration of the pattern, cf. Lee, Narratives, 12–13.

5718

The parallels with Marks story of the paralytic, based on the use of κραβαττός in both (Mark 2:4, 9, 11–12; John 5:8–11), are inadequate to suggest a common source (Nunn, Authorship, 18; Schnackenburg, John, 2:96; cf. Mark 6:55; Acts 5:15; 9:33). The Markan term can denote «a «poor man's bed»» (Horsley, Documents, 2:15), which may be why Matthew and Luke change it (Thiselton, «Semantics,» 93)–and why the same term would fit this story, which would be consistent with Mark on Jesus» healing methods.

5719

So Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681, adding that John «has to "tack on» the motifs of Sabbath and sin (5:9b, 14)» to unite the story with the discourse that follows.

5720

See Witherington, Christology, 66.

5721

John 3:22; 5:14; 6:1; 7:1; 19:38; 21:1; cf. 13:7; Rev 1:19; 4:1; 7:9; 9:12; 15:5; 18:1; 19:1; 20:3. Elsewhere in the NT see esp. Luke (Luke 5:27; 10:1; 12:4; 17:8; 18:4; Acts 7:7; 13:20; 15:16; 18:1) but also Mark 16:8; Heb 4:8; 1Pet 1:11; cf. Mark 16:12; in the LXX, e.g., Gen 15:14; 23:19; 41:30; Exod 5:1; Num 8:22; 12:16; Esth 1:4; 3:1; 1 Esd 1:14; 5:1, 51; Tob 10:14; 1Macc 1:5; 11:54; 13:20; 14:24.

5722

Bowman, Gospel, 36–38, 99–159 (99–109, establishing the possibility, is better than 111–59, drawing parallels between Purim and John 5); Watkins, John, 111–12; this would fit between 4and 6(but only assuming a strict and unbroken chronology).

5723

Bruns, Art, 26; Rigato, «Quale»; cf. Brown, John, 1:225, who sees this as possible because of the discussion of Torah in John 5.

5724

Manns, «Fête.»

5725

Bruce, Documents, 49; cf. Fenton, John, 67. On rabbinic development of that feast, see, e.g., Adler, «Rosh Hashanah.»

5726

        Jub. 16:27; m. Git. 3:8; b. B. Mesica 28a (Tannaitic attribution); Sukkah 33b; Pesah. 34b (in 36a it is Pesach, but this is clear from the context); p. Git. 3:8, §4; Gen. Rab. 6:5, 35:3; Safrai, «Temple,» 894. Tabernacles was one of the most prominent feasts (Josephus Ant. 8.100).

5727

Brown, John, 1:206; cf. Yee, «Sabbath.» If John added the Sabbath to the original story (Meier, Marginal Jew, 2:681), the emphasis becomes all the clearer.

5728

See Yee, Feasts, 46–47.

5729

On John's topographic accuracy, see, e.g., Hunter, «Trends»; Dunn, «John,» 299.

5730

Perkins, «John,» 959.

5731

Έβραίστί is a typically Johannine way of citing Hebrew (5:2; 19:13,17,20; 20:16; Rev 9:11; 16:16; cf. John 1:38); Luke and Paul prefer Έβραίς (Acts 6:1; 21:40; 22:2; 26:14; 2Cor 11:22; Phil 3:5; cf. also 4 Macc 12:7; 16:15).

5732

On the probability of this reading, see Wieand, «Bethesda,» 394–95; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 29; Cullmann, Worship, 84–85 n. 2; Finegan, Archeology, 143; Wolters, «Copper Scroll» (citing 3Q15 11.12). Cf. the site near the temple in Josephus War 2.328. For the meaning, related to «pools,» see Görg, «Beckenhausen.»

5733

Cf. similarly Selkin, «Exegesis,» 188–89.

5734

For problems with the St. Annés site (as well as other proposed sites), see Selkin, «Exegesis,» 175–79.

5735

Wieand, «Bethesda,» 396–97; Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28; Cornfeld, Josephus, 338,364; Finegan, Archeology, 145. An allegorical connection between the sheep pool and Jesus» «sheep» (10:1) is unlikely, given the proximity of the pool to Bethesda; on the sheep pool, Finegan, Archeology, 142–43.

5736

Yamauchi, Stones, 104. The term κολυμβήθρα suggests a deep pool (Bernard, John, 1:226).

5737

Vardaman, «Bethesda,» 28. The view of some (e.g., Bruns, Art, 65; Ellis, Genius, 88; more skillfully, Selkin, «Exegesis,» 196) that they symbolize the five books of the Law seems to allegorize unnecessarily, despite references to the Law later in the chapter.

5738

Jeremias, Sayings, 55.

5739

Perkins, «John,» 959, also noting that, despite its original purpose as a «Sheep Pool,» the pool had been developed elaborately, «probably by Herod the Great.»

5740

E.g., Diogenes Laertius 6.2.40; Martial Epigr. 2.42; 12.82; Pausanias 2.3.5; Apuleius Metam. 2.2; Menander Rhetor 1.3, 365.20–21. Although mixed bathing was common in many parts of the empire (see Ward, «Women») and known in early Judaism (though it constituted grounds for divorcing a wife; t. Ketub. 7:6; Num. Rab. 9:12; cf. revelry in Lev. Rab. 5:3), most Jerusalemites probably avoided it (for gender-specific bathhouses, cf. t. Nid. 6:15; for Jewish nudity there, t. B. Qam. 9:12; for preference for those where Jews were clothed, t. Ber. 2:20). Though most accepted bathhouses (Lev. Rab. 34:3), later tradition apparently associated demons with bathhouses (b. Qidd. 39b-40a; Ecc1. Rab. 2:8, §1; Song Rab. 3:7, §5; probably t. Ber. 6:25; as with toilets, b. Ber. 62a; Shab. 67a) and felt them an inappropriate place to discuss Torah (b. cAbod. Zar. 44b; Deut. Rab. 8:6).

5741

Cary and Haarhoff, Life, 105. On such porches (στοαί), see also 10:23.

5742

E.g., Acts 3:2; perhaps Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.305.

5743

So, e.g., a later portico from Ephesus to the temple of Artemis in Philostratus Vit. soph. 2.23.605.

5744

For Aesculapia, see, e.g., Aristophanes Plutus 410–411, 620–621; Pausanias 2.10.2; 2.26.1; 2.27.6; Herodian 4.8.3; Koester, Introduction, 1:174; Yamauchi, Archaeology, 45–49; cf. Asclepius associated with a pool in Lucian Hippias/The Bath 5. On healings in the Asclepius cult, see, e.g., Kee, «Self-Definition,» 129–33.

5745

Ferguson, Backgrounds, 175. Koester, Symbolism, 172–73, and Boring et a1., Commentary, 266, cite Vitruvius Arch. 1.2.7; Aelius Aristides Or. 39.6,14–15; such cult centers were widespread (Frankfurter, Religion in Egypt, 271; cf. 46–52). Water also appears in other temples (e.g., Polybius 34.9.5).

5746

Cf., e.g., Hammat Tiberias in, e.g., Josephus War 2.614; 4.11; Life 85; Pliny Nat. 5.15.71; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 11:16; Ecc1. Rab. 10:8, §1; Hammat Gader in Josephus War 1.657; Pliny Nat. 2.95.208; 5.15.72; Hirschfeld and Solar, «Baths.» Elsewhere, e.g., Eunapius Lives 459; Keener, Matthew, 158.

5747

Fee, «Inauthenticity»; against Hodges, «Angel» (who may be correct, however, about the internal difficulties created by its excision, pp. 25–26; see also Niklas and Kraus, «Joh 5,3b-4»). Thom, «Akousmata,» 105, is probably correct in relating this gloss to the association of public baths and daimones (citing Iamblichus V.P. 83; Aelian Varia historia 4.17), though it is surely broader than Pythagoreanism (cf. Macrobius Sat. 5.19.19 in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 224; Eunapius Lives 457; b. Ber. 62a; Qidd. 39b-40a; Šabb. 67a; Ecc1. Rab. 2:8, §1). Suggested earlier reasons for the waters» movement may be the moving of water from one pool to another by pipes, or confusion with the Siloam spring, «which ejected water several times a day during the rainy season, twice in summer and once in the autumn» (Perkins, «John,» 959).

5748

Finegan, Archeology, ρ 147. Klinger, «Bethesda,» wrongly assumes that this means Jesus visited a pagan sanctuary, since John's readers would rightly assume that pre-70 Jerusalem, in which Jesus lived, was a Jewish city.

5749

Earlier, cf. Albright, Yahweh, 194–95. Some sites were believed to possess sacred properties regardless of what was built on them (Philostratus Hrk. 28.5).

5750

Wilkinson, Jerusalem, 95–104, esp. 102.

5751

Theissen, Stories, 51; also 277.

5752

The exodus probably also appears with this term in Hab 3:15. Perhaps an allusion appears in Isa 51:14–15, but this text may apply the image more generally, as in Ps 46(47LXX); Isa 17:12; 24LXX; cf. Odes So1. 4:15.

5753

Richardson, Theology, 360.

5754

Brown, John, 1:211.

5755

Dunn, Baptism, 187.

5756

See Meeks, Prophet-King, 59; Hoskyns, Gospel, 360–61; cf. Pancaro, Law, 9. The «lame» and the «blind» often function as the most dramatic cures in summaries of miraculous healings; cf., e.g., Epidauros inscriptions in Grant, Religions, 57–58.

5757

Epid. inscr. 4 in Grant, Religions, 57; cf. Acts 8:7.

5758

Culpepper, Anatomy, 139; cf. Staley, «Stumbling»; Lee, Narratives, 105–6; Collins, Written, 23; Metzner, «Geheilte.» Note that κολυμβήθρα appears in John only in these two passages (5:2, 7; 9:7). This need not suggest two variants of the same story or an originally connected story, however (cf. Devillers, «Piscine,» who also dates the paganization of Bethzatha too early in relation to John; also Boismard, «Bethzatha ou Siloé»); Ephraem's interpretation need not presuppose earlier sources (Baarda, «Siloam»), and a writer could inadvertently retell a story (Plutarch Alex. 37.4; 56.1) or (more to the point here) could develop patterns that he viewed as linking two preexisting stories (e.g., Plutarch Vit. passim).

5759

Jesus» «finding» the man implies that he sought the man (cf. 1:43; 2:14; 4:23), but the contrast between this text and 9may suggest that humans sought by Jesus remain morally responsible for embracing or rejecting him.

5760

E.g., Sophocles Phi1. 481–86,1032–1033; Appian R.H. 1.10; Cornelius Nepos 17 (Agesilaus), 8.1.

5761

Ellis, Genius, 88; Strombeck, «Grace,» 106–7; contrast Hoskyns, Gospel 265. Even if one reads Sirach's prologue as Joshua ben Sirach's grandson being in Egypt thirty-eight years, it is doubtful that statement alludes to the exodus.

5762

Cf. John 9:1; Mark 5:25; Luke 13:11; Acts 3:2; Gen. Apoc. 20.20; Γ. Job 26:1; 27:6/9; 28:1; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 3.38; 6.43; Epid. inscr. 1; Lake and Cadbury, Commentary, 45; see esp. Theissen, Stories, 51–52.

5763

Demonstrations were an essential component of miracle stories (e.g., Mark 1:31, 44; 2:11–12; 5:43; IG 4.951; Lucian Philops. 11; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.45 in Bultmann, Tradition, 225, 232–33; Theissen, Stories, 66).

5764

Safrai, «Home,» 735–36.

5765

Ibid., 744; Jeffers, World, 68.

5766

Theissen, Stories, 66, cites Lucian Philops. 7; Lex. 12; Abdic. 5; Ver. hist. 1.40; 2.41; Charon 7; Asin. 12; Antiphanes Metragyrtes frg. 154; P.S.I. 4.435 and other sources, including invocations in magical papyri (e.g., PGM 3.35–36; 12.58, 81) and accounts in the Gospels (in which Mark not surprisingly dominates).

5767

E.g., the claim in Lysias Or. 24.10–12, $169. Hippocrates knows that some purported cures for lameness were useless (Airs, Waters, Places 22.1–36).

5768

Beck, Paradigm, 87, compares Jesus» abrupt responses to those needing signs that he will grant (2:4; 4:48; cf. also 3:3).

5769

Although θέλω (5:6) recurs later in the chapter (5:21, 35, 40), its usage here is determined only by the need of the statement (as in 6); it is probably not related closely to the more theological or christological uses.

5770

See 11:24; Mark 5:39; Acts 3:5; 2 Kgs 5:5–7; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 4.45 (Theissen, Stories, 55).

5771

See Thatcher, «Sabbath Trick.»

5772

E.g., Sipra Qed.pq. 8.205.2.6; Behor par. 5.255.1.10; Sipre Deut. 54.3.2; "Abot R. Nat. 27A.

5773

On qal vaomer arguments, see comment on John 7:23; on «light» and «heavy» commandments, see Keener, Matthew, 179, 530, 551–52.

5774

See also Whitacre, Polemic, 26. Some modern scholars date the institution to Moses (Harrelson, Cult, 32).

5775

Commentators (e.g., Fenton, John, 70; Brown, John, 1:208) cite m. Šabb. 7:2; but differences of interpretation were likely (m. Šabb. 11:1). Carrying the man himself on his mat, by contrast, may not have been work (m. Šabb. 10:5; Michaels, John, 72).

5776

Also, e.g., Brown, John, 1:208.

5777

E.g., t. Šabb. 1:13; see further Abrahams, Studies, 1:129–35; Safrai, «Religion,» 804–7; Sanders, Judaism, 208–11; in Asia Minor, see Trebilco, Communities, 17–18; I also discussed Sabbath practices in general in Keener, Matthew, 353–55.

5778

See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 7–8.

5779

See Sherk, Empire, 252–53, §198 (citing Cestus 177; Nonius Marcellus s.v. Nundinae; lit. 13.2.301–305, §53). Pagans did, however, find their own festivals relaxing (Ps-Dionysius Epi-deictic 1.255).

5780

See, e.g., Horace Sat. 1.9.68–69; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 95.47; Gager, Anti-Semitism, 57; Whittaker, Jews and Christians, 71, citing Meleager in Greek Anth. 5.160 (more fully, citations in Wfaittaker, Jews and Christians, 63–69); Jewish people were also well aware of Roman hostility toward the Sabbath (p. Hag. 2:1, §8). Hellenistic Jews emphasized it (Kraabel, «Judaism,» 142) and created apologetic for it (e.g., Aristobulus frg. 5 in Eusebius Praep. ev. 13.12.9–16).

5781

In addition to biblical warrant in the creation narrative, later tradition provided another sign in creation, a river that flowed only on the Sabbath (e.g., Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 33:10); Jewish people also kept a Sabbatic year (Lev 25:4–5; Neh 10:31; Safrai, «Religion,» 825–27; t. Ter. 10:10; p. Seb. 8:2, §7; Tacitus Hist. 5.4).

5782

P. Ned. 3:9, §3; cf. Lev. Rab. 3:1. The rabbis regularly extolled the Sabbath (e.g., Gen. Rab. 10:9–11:10; Pesiq. Rab. 23:7–8); some even said the Messiah would come if all Israel kept the Sabbath together (Exod. Rab. 25:12).

5783

Second-century rabbis also expected at least some children to study Torah under a teacher on Friday evenings (Safrai, «Education,» 954, cites m. Šabb. 1:3; t. Šabb. 1:12).

5784

In rabbinic tradition, joy became a central characteristic of celebrating the Sabbath (Gen. Rab. 100:7).

5785

E.g., t. Ketub. 1:1; b. Šabb. 12b; see further Westerholm and Evans, «Sabbath,» 1031–32.

5786

One could also kill a threatening animal (p. Šabb. 14:1, §2); other peoples had also observed holy days that disallowed offensive warfare (e.g., Xenophon Hel1. 6.4.16; Thucydides 5.54.2–4; 5.75.5; 5.82.2–3; 8.9.1; Ovid Fasti 3.811–812).

5787

M. Pesah. 6(Akiba); t. Pisha 5:1; with regard to warfare, Josephus Life 159, 161. The later practice of a Sabbath goy (e.g., Deut. Rab. 1:21; for sheep tending, t. Seb. 2:20; p. Seb. 3:3,34c) would not have been viewed favorably (CD 11.2; m. Šabb. 16:8; t. Šabb. 13:9; cf. Exod 20:10; Deut 5:14).

5788

Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 13; cf. Falk, Jesus, 149, on t. Šabb. 17:14; see further, e.g., m. Yoma 8:6; t. Šabb. 12:12–13; p. cErub. 10:11; Macas. S. 2:1, §4; Šabb. 6:3; further discussion in Keener, Matthew, 357–58. Later rabbis preferred death to Sabbath violation if to pagans the latter would imply apostasy (b. Sanh. 74b).

5789

Jesus» argument supports rather than undermines the Sabbath; see Bacchiocchi, «John 5:17

5790

Vermes, Religion, 13.

5791

See, e.g., Apos. Con. 7.36.1–7 (OTP 2:682–83); CP/3:16, §457d.

5792

E.g., Exod. Rab. 30(recounting a purportedly late-first- or, at the latest, early-second-century C.E. episode, but the tradition is probably later); cf. b. Tacan. 27b.

5793

For a teacher meeting again with a would-be disciple, cf. Diogenes Laertius 6.2.36. On changing onés lifestyle as a prerequisite for a healing that one complains one has never received, see Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 1.9, though it may reflect dependence on John's story line.

5794

Brown, John, 1:208.

5795

That he went to offer a sin offering for the sin from which his malady stemmed is unlikely; if he acknowledged that sin before Jesus» reproof (5:14), he probably would have made the offering long before, despite his condition.

5796

One reason listed by ancients for (human) punishment was to teach a criminal not to repeat his crime (Aulus Gellius 7.14.2). Enduring a present evil was also better than facing a worse one (Phaedrus 1.2.30–31), which might be threatened (Homer Od. 18.107). On lameness as a judgment, see t. Ber. 6:3; p. Ber. 9:1, §16; cf. comment on John 9:2.

5797

Theissen, Stories, 110, cites Epid. inscr. 7.

5798

Cf. Sir 19:13. One who repents but sins again has not truly repented (Sir 34:26; cf. m. Yoma 8:8–9).

5799

Whitacre, Polemic, 115; pace Bernard, John, 2:402, who wrongly regards the intention as benign in both instances; Beck, Paradigm, 90, sees him as a positive witness, but Metzner, «Geheilte,» is correct that he must be a witness against Jesus (in contrast to the man in John 9). Ancient ethics despised ingratitude (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 81.1,28; Rom 1:21; 2Tim 3:2; "Abot R. Nat. 46, §128 B).

5800

        E.g., p. Meg. 1:6, §2.

5801

Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18–19.

5802

See CD 10.14–11.18, prohibiting talk of work (10.19) and the lifting of dust (11.10–11); cf. Josephus War 2.147–149, prohibiting even defecation; Jub. 50:1–13 and comments in Finkelstein, Making, 205–11; 4Q251 frg. 1; 4Q265 frg. 7, 1.6–9); those who forgot the Sabbath were apostate (1Q22 7–8; Jub. 1:10). Some argue the Scrolls represent broader Jewish tradition before Akiba (Kimbrough, «Sabbath»), but parallels in Philo may suggest that the more lenient customs, while not universal, predate the Tannaim (see Belkin, Philo, 192–203).

5803

Contrast pagans who associated the Sabbath and fasting (e.g., Martial Epigr. 4.4.7; Suetonius Aug. 76; Strabo 16.2.40), perhaps confusing the Sabbath with Yom Kippur.

5804

See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 18; idem, Judaism, 367, citing CD 12.3–6.

5805

See Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 22–23,90; idem, Jesus and Judaism, 266. Even among the rabbis, divergent opinions flourished (e.g., t. Šabb. 16:22; b. Šabb. 5b, bar., early second century), including in probably first-century houses-debates (r. Šabb. 16:21; cf. b. Šabb. 18b).

5806

The priestly Sadducean aristocracy appears to have clashed with both Essenes (lQpHab 8.8–12; 9.4–7; 12.5; 4QpNah 1.11) and Pharisees (Josephus Ant. 18.17; m. Yad. 4:7; t. Hag. 3:35; Nid. 5:3; "Abot R. Nat. 5A; 10B; b. Nid. 33b; Sukkah 48b).

5807

See Keener, Matthew, 351–54; cf. also Borg, Conflict, 139–43.

5808

Josephus Life 302; but this provoked a backlash of the common people in Josephus's defense (Life 303).

5809

See Borg, Conflict, 145–62. Lightfoot, Gospel, 149, suggests that the imperfect verbs of 5and 5make this episode «representative of various conflicts» between Jesus and the authorities.

5810

Here, too, various views obtained (see the section on Christ's deity in the introduction, ch. 7); but divergent views were usually expressed esoterically and cautiously lest they lend themselves to misinterpretation. Segal, «Ruler,» 253, thinks the debate about Jesus» deity argues against the narrativés historicity; again our introduction, ch. 7.

5811

Schnackenburg, John, 2:101. Contrast Pancaro, Law, 499–500. The righteous Messiah was expected to keep the law (4Q252 frg. 1, 5.3–5).

5812

Cf. Daube, Judaism, 60; Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, 57; Flusser, Judaism, 495.

5813

On this misunderstanding as part of the larger pattern in the Gospel, see Lee, Narratives, 12–13, 113.

5814

Despite the term's broad semantic range, the Gospel employs it only six times, so the three times it appears in conjunction with the law are most significant. The LXX is not helpful here; «loosed the law» in 1 Esd 9means «opened the [book of] the law.»

5815

Exegetes have long noted this Jewish teaching; see, e.g., Robinson, Historical Character, 38–39.

5816

E.g., Pesiq. Rab. 23:8; 41:3; see further Odeberg, Gospel, 202, listing and adding to Billerbeck's references.

5817

Bonsirven, Judaism, 12, citing the popular morning Shemás first benediction.

5818

E.g., a third-century Palestinian Amora in Gen. Rab. 63:5. Some Amoraim claimed to study and emulate God's creative activity (b. Sanh. 67b and comments in Neusner, Sat, 80).

5819

        Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; 23:8; b. Sanh. 22a; Gen. Rab. 68:4; Num. Rab. 3:6; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; Tg. Neof. 1 on Deut 32:4; cf. Lev. Rab. 8:1.

5820

Purportedly late-first- or early-second-century tradition in Exod. Rab. 30:9.

5821

Commentators (e.g., MacGregor, John, 173; Schnackenburg, John, 2:101; Barrett, John, 256) cite Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.5, 18; Cherubim 87. Since Greeks felt that true deities needed no rest (Maximus of Tyre Dissertations 15.16.2), emphasizing God's continuing activity could serve an apologetic function for Diaspora Jews (Aristobulus frg. 5 in Eusebius Praep. ev. 13.12.11; Boring et a1., Commentary, 267). Cf. also the sun, which never «rests» (J En. 72:37).

5822

See the collection of numerous sources in Keener, Matthew, 217–18.

5823

Borgen, «Hellenism,» 107, citing Homer Il. 5.440–441; Philostratus Vit. Apol1. 8.5, 7.

5824

See further Stauffer, Jesus, 206. Blasphemy in the narrowest extant sense of the term required the uttering of God's name (m. Sanh. 7:5), but it is unclear how widespread this view was in the first century, and the Greek term includes «reviling» (Keener, Matthew, 289–90,651; cf. Sanders, Jesus to Mishnah, 58–60, 64–67).

5825

Smith, Theology, 174. See our introduction on controversies with the minim over ditheism.

5826

Odeberg, Gospel, 203. Cf. the LXX of Deut 13(13LXX), where one must love God more than a friend «equal to oneself» (in typical Greek language of friendship).

5827

E.g., m. Sanh. 4:5; b. Sanh. 38a, bar., reading with the earlier manuscripts; Sipre Deut. 329.1.1; Pesiq. Rab. 21:6; again, see our introduction on these conflicts.

5828

Kysar, Maverick Gospel, 46.

5829

Ashton, Understanding, 137–40, may be right to understand it in terms of the Johannine life-setting, but it still has a likely referent in the story world.

5830

Also others, e.g., Fenton, John, 71; Lee, Thought, 67; Martin, Carmen Christi, 148–49; cf. Barrett, John, 257 (equality but not independence); my treatment in Keener, «Subordination.» In the heat of the Arian controversy, Gregory of Nazianzus argued against the Son's subordination here (Hall, Scripture, 78–80); while John does seem to affirm subordination here, it is not in an Arian sense–he denies equality of rank in redemptive activity in some sense but affirms equality of being in another sense (see 1:1,18; 8:58; 20:28; cf. Calvin, John, 1:198–99, on John 5:19). The Platonic idea that a perfect or superlative nature cannot be improved was already widespread outside Platonic circles (e.g., Seneca Ep. Lucil 66.8–12).

5831

See Neyrey, «Shame of Cross,» 126–27. Any honor claim was open to challenge (cf. Pilch, «Lying,» 132).

5832

Apollodorus 1.9.7; Maximus of Tyre Or. 29.4; 35.2; Meeks, «Agent,» 43; cf. Philós complaint about Gaius in Meeks, «Agent,» 55; Boring et a1., Commentary, 267–68, cites Josephus Ant. 19.4; Suetonius Calig. 22.

5833

Pilch, «Ribs»; contrast Matt 11:19/Luke 7:34. McGrath, «Rebellious Son,» argues that Jesus responds here to the charge of being a rebellious son (Deut 21:18–21).

5834

Longenecker, Christology 137 n. 58, also finds Jesus» deity in 5:18; 10:33.

5835

E.g., SB 3924 in Sherk, Empire, 61; Germanicus deflects others» claims of his divinity (reflecting Tiberius's insecurity that ultimately led to Germanicus's death).

5836

1Macc 2:24–27, 50; 2Macc 4:2; Josephus Ant. 12.2; 1QS 9.23; Gal 1:14; Acts 22:3. See more fully the comment on John 2:17–22.

5837

Lightfoot, Gospel, 149; esp. Dodd, More Studies, 31; a common analogy (e.g., Seneca Ep. Luci1. 84.8); on the imitation of God in ancient literature, see Keener, Matthew, 205; Vermes, Religion, 201–4. It is, however, doubtful that Jesus intends his sonship here generically (pace Dodd, More Studies, 31; Jeremias, Theology, 60).

5838

Dodd, More Studies, 33, 36–38 (also contending that apprenticeship functioned as a sort of adoption). The form of Jesus» claim, a negation followed by an affirmation, appears elsewhere in the Jesus tradition (cf. Dodd, More Studies, 39; Luke 6:40; 8:16; 11:21–22; 12:47–48). The father-son analogy was not the only possible one; followers could also imitate (μιμεΐσθαι) what they saw a leader do (εώρων ποιουντα, as Cyrus commands in Xenophon Cyr. 8.6.10); Malina and Rohrbaugh, John, 116, suggest the patron-and-broker analogy for 5:21.

5839

See Odeberg, Gospel, 204–5, though the parallels in the third-century work 3 Enoch (10:4–5; 11:1–3; ch. 16; 48:10, 20 C) are so close that one suspects dependence on Johannine tradition.

5840

Burridge, Gospels, 208.

5841

The LXX employs a term foreign to John's vocabulary here, but the sense is compatible.

5842

Though έργον is a common term (over 130 occurrences in the LXX of the Pentateuch alone) it is significant here that it can apply to God's act of creation (Gen 2:2–3 LXX; Wis 13:1; Sib. Or. 1.22; cf. the verb in Philostratus Hrk. 25.8). Less likely is the proposal of Manns, «Oeuvres,» that Jesus carries out Jewish tradition's «works of mercy.»

5843

For a probable implicit traditional link between Gen 2and Ezek 37, see comment on John 20:22.

5844

E.g., L.A.E. 51:1–2; 2 En. 33:1–2 J; Barn. 15.8; possibly T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; see further the comment on John 5:25–30.

5845

It may be associated with the feast in 7and perhaps identified as the (partly realized) eschatological «day» in John 8:56; 9:4; 11:9; 14:20; 16:23,26), perhaps partly associated with the cross (12:7; 19:31) and/or resurrection (the first day, 20:1,19).

5846

John 6does not count because «make» is properly attached to «sit down.»

5847

Elsewhere God «made» the human mouth, a synecdoche for God making people in various physical conditions (Exod 4:11).

5848

Such a relationship often invited reciprocity: Israel must love God (Deut 6:5; 7:9; 10:12; 11:1,13,22; 13:3; 19:9; 30:6,16,20; Josh 22:5; 23:11; Neh 1:5; Dan 9:4).

5849

Possibly Ign. Magn. 7.1 (δι» εαυτού) alludes to John here (even in the shorter recension), especially in view of Ignatius's άνευ του πατρός ούδέν εποίησεν.

5850

Meeks, «Agent,» 55. On the activity of the agent, see «agency» under Christology in our introduction, pp. 310–17.

5851

E.g., Epictetus Diatr. 1.9.32, εξ εμαυτού (John consistently prefers άπό, as in, e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 396, §135D). In John 10it indicates Jesus» independence from those who want him dead, but explicitly not independence from the Father; cf. 18:34.

5852

        Sipre Deut. 5.1.1; 19.1.1; 25.5.1.

5853

Talbert, John, 125–26, takes the language of honor here as cultic (citing Josephus Ant. 1.156; 6.21; 1Tim 1:17; 6:16; Rev 4:9, 11; 5:12). On the early Christian understanding of Jesus receiving worship within the identity of the one God, see Bauckham, God Crucified, 34–35.

5854

Cf, e.g., Gen 2:7; 2 Kgs 5:7; Neh 9:6; Ps 71:20; Jos. Asen. 12:1/2; Philo Creation 135; for national revival, cf. Ezra 9:8–9.

5855

E.g., 2Macc 7:9; 14:46; t. Ber. 6:6; b. Ber. 58b; Tacan. 2a; Pesiq. Rab. 42:7; Tg. Ps.-J. to Deut 28:12; cf. also 4Q521 frg. 2,4, co1. 2.12 (the Messiah may appear in line 1, but the nearer context of lines 4–11 points to God); 4Q521 frg. 7,5, co1. 2.5–6,8 (as reconstructed in Wise, Scrolls, 421). Often God raised the dead in this world through prophets, however, as a foretaste of the future resurrection (Ecc1. Rab. 3:15, §1); he could also raise the dead on account of a righteous person's merit (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20) or in some sense through the agency of Elijah (perhaps by his coming as forerunner; m. Sotah 9:15).

5856

Cf. the title of Helios in PGM 7.528–530 and Apollo in PGM 2.98. God is «giver of life» in Deut 32:39; 1Sam 2:6; 2 Kgs 5:7; and in early Judaism (Morris, John, 314).

5857

Brown, Community, 47. The tradition that the righteous would resurrect the dead (b. Pesah. 68a) is late and isolated.

5858

Haenchen, John, 1:251; cf. Strachan, Gospel, 116. Jesus elsewhere connects healing with saving life (Mark 3:4).

5859

If the festival were Sukkoth or Rosh Hashanah, the theme of judgment would be particularly relevant (Bonsirven, Judaism, 20, citing t. Roš Haš. 1:13); but see comment on 5:1.

5860

Also acknowledged in Sipre Deut. 9.2.1.

5861

Abel with Enoch's help in T. Ab. 12:5–13:4A; 11:2–10B; Enoch in 3 En. 16:1. In T. Ab. 13God delegates judgment to Abel because humans must judge human deeds; in m. cEd. 8:7, Elijah distinguishes clean from unclean at the judgment, though this role nevertheless appears to leave God himself as judge.

5862

Homer Od. 11.568–571; Euripides Cyc1. 273; Virgil Aen. 6.431–433,566–569; Lucian Downward Journey.

5863

Bury, Logos-Doctrine, 39, thinks John reflects the Daniel-Enoch tradition here, citing also Acts 17:31; Holwerda, Spirit, 12, emphasizes the parallel with Dan 7:14; see further below on 5:27. Meeks, «Agent,» 55, cites other examples of God temporarily delegating his unique works to human agents.

5864

Dan 7:22; Wis 3:7–8; 1 En. 95:3; 98:12; lQpHab 5.3–4, misinterpreting Hab 1:12–13; 1QM 14.7; 16.1. In Dan 7, the «saints» must represent God's people (Di Leila, «Holy Ones»; Poythress, «Holy Ones»; Hasel, «Saints»), not angels (pace Dequeker, «Saints»).

5865

See, e.g., m. "Abot 4(God's prerogative alone); Deut. Rab. 1:10; 2 Bar. 19:3; Urbach, Sages, 1:123; more broadly, Sib. Or. 4.183–184; 1 En. 9:4; 60:2; 62:2; 47with 46:2; T. Ab. 14:6A. This point is often noted by commentators (e.g., Schnackenburg, John, 2:107; Morris, John, 319).

5866

E.g., 3 En. 31:1; p. Sanh. 1:1, §4; Pesiq. Rab. 10:9.

5867

E.g., with reference to the new year; t. Roš Haš. 1:13; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 2:4; 23:1.

5868

Cf. Carson, John, 254.

5869

E.g., Philo Sacrifices 9; Num. Rab. 15:13.

5870

        Mek. Pisha 1.88ff. Some later rabbis even interpreted Isa 42:8, which reserves God's glory for himself, to claim that God would not share glory with another besides Israel (Pesiq. Rab Kah. 21:2).

5871

Vespasian, linking himself with Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius, in CIL 6.930; ILS 244 (Sherk, Empire, 124–25).

5872

Realized and future eschatologies are hardly incompatible and need not suggest later redaction. Qumran's collection includes various eschatological schemes (cf. Mattila, «Eschatologies,» on 4Q246 and 1QM).

5873

Cf., e.g., Dio Cassius 45.47.5; Lucretius Nat. 3.1046; Macrobius Comm. 1.11.2 (Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 224); Epictetus Diatr. 1.5.4; Heraclitus Ep. 5; Sir 22:11–12; Eph 2:1; Gen. Rab. 39:7; Exod. Rab. 5:4; Ecc1. Rab. 9:5, §1; Gen 2as understood in Philo Alleg. Interp. 1.106; perhaps 4 Ezra 7:92; cf. spiritual resurrection in Jos. Asen. 8:9/11.

5874

So the Targumim (Abrahams, Studies, 2:44; McNamara, Targum, 123). The twofold death in some MSS of Gen. Rab. 96simply refers to the pain of a Diaspora burial, as the «second death» of Phaedrus 1.21.11 refers to ridicule at death. For more on «life,» see comment on 1:4–5.

5875

E.g., Josephus Ant. 8.220–221; Dio Cassius R.H. 19.61; Diodorus Siculus 4.10.3–4; Moses in Josephus Ant. 3.85–87; 4.329; see further in introduction, pp. 310–17.

5876

        L.A.E. 51:1–2; 2 En. 33:1–2 J; Mek. Šabb. 1.38ff.; cf. T. Ab. 19:7A; 7:16B; Barn. 15.8; Bacchiocchi, «Typologies»; Johnston, «Sabbath»; perhaps (but probably not) Jub. 50:9. Some commentators cite this tradition here (Hunter, John, 56; Pancaro, Law, 508).

5877

This need not narrow down John's audience; not only Palestinian but much of Diaspora Judaism seems to have accepted future eschatology (e.g., in Rome, CIJ Lcxxxix).

5878

E.g., 1 En. 103:4; probably Pss. So1. 3:12; see further Osborne, «Resurrection,» 931–33. Later rabbis provided exegetical defenses (e.g., Sipre Deut. 329.2.1; b. Pesah. 68a; Sanh. 90b); 2 Bar. 30places the resurrection at the Messiah's coming, but the wording may suggest Christian influence. Even Philo affirmed future eschatology in terms of Israel's restoration (Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 86, cites Philo Rewards 162–172).

5879

See Michaels, John, 75; Smith, John (1999), 138; Ridderbos, John, 199 (rightly questioning the interpolation view that denies any futurist eschatology in John).

5880

Cf. Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18 for God's dead-reviving thunder at Sinai, and the earlier references cited by the commentators there. In Deut 4:33; 5:24,26, Israel «lived» even though it heard God's voice–at the giving of Torah. It is not clear whether John merely reflects such language unconsciously or whether he might engage in an implicit midrash; but the voice of the Lord also raises the dead in 1 Thess 4:16, a passage heavily imbued with Jesus tradition (see Marshall, Thessalonians, 130).

5881

Cf. Sanders, John, 168–69; Fenton, John, 72.

5882

By itself the phrase could imply simply being alive (animals have «in themselves» the breath of «life"–Gen 1LXX), but this is hardly what is meant here.

5883

        Sib. Or. 1.20; 3.12; cf. Apoc. Ab. 17(«self-originate,» OTP 1:697); Sib. Or. 3.33 («the existing God,» τόν εόντα θεόν). Also the Christian material in Sib. Or. 8.428 (αύτογενητος) and Sent. Sext. 26 (self-moving).

5884

E.g., PGM 1.342–343 calls Apollo (1.298) the «elder-born, self-generating god» (Betz, Papyri, 12); 13.62; Boring et a1., Commentary, 240, cites Iamblichus On the Mysteries 8.2. The «great god» brought himself into being (Book of the Dead spell 17a, part S-2; see further Currid, Ancient Egypt, 36, 99–100). Cf. God's self-existence in some African traditional religions (Mbiti, Religions, 42–43).

5885

        Sib. Or. frg. 7.

5886

Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167.

5887

Alexander son of Numenius Rhetores graeci 3.4–6 (Grant, Religions, 166); PGM 13.843; Iamblichus Myst. 7.2. The highest good had to be self-sufficient (Aristotle N.E. 1.7,1097B).

5888

E.g., Aristotle Heav. 1.9, 279a.l l-b.3; Pyth. Sent. 25; Marcus Aurelius 7.16; Plutarch Isis 75, Mor. 381B; Maximus of Tyre Or. 38.6; in Jewish sources, Let. Aris. 211; 3Macc 2:9; Josephus Ant. 8.111; Ag. Ap. 2.190; Philo Creation 100; Acts 17:25. On sources of Philós portrait of God's transcendence, see Dillon, «Transcendence.»

5889

E.g., 2 Bar. 21:10; Pesiq. Rab. 1:2; «who lives forever» (e.g., Tob 13:1, ό ζών …); for the'liv-ing God,» cf., e.g., Marmorstein, Names, 72; Rev 7:2; also Deut 5:26; Josh 3:10; 1Sam 17:26,36; 2 Kgs 19:4, 16; Ps 42:2; 84:2; Isa 37:4,17; Jer 10:10; 23:36; Dan 6:20, 26; Hos 1:10; Matt 16:16; 26:63; Acts 14:15; Rom 9:26; 2Cor 3:3; 6:16; 1 Thess 1:9; 1Tim 3:15; 4:10; Heb 3:12; 9:14; 10:31; 12:22.

5890

Tob 13:1,6; 1Tim 1:17; 1 En. 5:1; 25:3,5; Sib. Or. 1.45,50,53,56,73,122,152,167,232; 3.10, 276, 278, 302, 328, 582, 593, 600–601, 604, 617, 628, 631, 698, 717; 8.428; Josephus Ag. Ap. 2.167; Philo Creation 100; Good Person 20; Ps.-Phoc. 17; T. Ab. 15:15A; 2Bar. 21:10; CI] 1:489, §677; cf. Plutarch Isis 1, Mor. 351E; PGM 13.843.

5891

        Sib. Or. 3.15–16; cf. Plutarch Ε at Delphi 17, Mor. 392A.

5892

        PGM 4.640–645 (Betz, Papyri, 50).

5893

To others God commits temporary, limited political authority (19:11) or the authority to become his children (1:12), but only to Jesus does God entrust authority over all humanity (17:2).

5894

For refutation, see Brown, John, 1:215, whom we follow here.

5895

For the admonition not to marvel along with provision of evidence, cf. 3:7–8; probably 6:61–62; for the principle, see Mark 2:9–11.

5896

E.g., Apocr. Ezek. introduction.

5897

Also, e.g., Hanson, Gospel 52.

5898

Bailey, Poet, 62, sees a chiastic structure, but if one is present, it is highly asymmetrica1.

5899

E.g., 2 Bar. 51:1–2; cf. t. Ber. 6:6. For distinction after death, see 1 En. 22:9–11; cf. sources in Keener, Matthew, 129, on Gehinnom, and 710–11, on the resurrection of the dead.

5900

It appears in most streams of NT tradition and is denied in none: Acts 24:15; 2Cor 5:10; Rev 20:4–6; Matt 25:46; cf. Matt 5:29–30; 10:28; Luke 11:32; Bernard, John, 1:245.

5901

1QS 4.13–14; Gen. Rab. 6:6; most sinners in t. Sanh. 13:3,4; Pesiq. Rab Kah. 10:4; Pesiq. Rab. 11:5; cf. 2Macc 12:43–45. By contrast, the souls of the wicked will remain in hell on the day of judgment in 1 En. 22:13; 61:5; 108:6; 4 Macc 9:9; 12:12; t. Sanh. 13:5; probably L.A.B. 38:4; Ascen. Isa. 1:2; 3 En. 44:3; t. Ber. 5:31.

5902

Ps 62:12; Prov 24:12; Sir 16:12,14; Matt 16:27; Rom 2:6; 2Cor 11:15; Rev 22:12; Pesiq. Rab. 8:2; cf. Rhet. ad Herenn. 3.2.3.

5903

It continued in widespread use (Josephus Life 256; Ant. 4.219; b. Sanh. 37b, bar.; p. Git. 4:1, §2; cf. m. Roš Haš. 1:7; 2:6); see further the comment under 8:13. Early Christians also employed this rule; see 2Cor 13:1; 1Tim 5:19; Matt 18:16.

5904

Boring et al, Commentary, 270–71, cites Cicero Rose. Amer. 36.103. Witnesses confirmed a matter (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Lysias 26), and a claim offered without them might be scathingly contested (Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111).

5905

E.g., Lysias Or. 4.5–6, §101; 7.12–18, §§109–110; 12.27–28, §122; 19.24, §154; 29.7, §182; Cicero Quinct. 24.76. Establishing a credible motive was standard procedure for the prosecution (Cicero Rose. Amer. 22.61–62).

5906

E.g., Isaeus Estate of Cleonymus 31–32, §37; Estate of Hagnias 6; Lysias Or. 7.19–23, §110; 7.34–40, §111; 7.43, §112. Cf. the preference for multiple and diverse testimonies, e.g., in Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 61, §19D; for challenging the credibility of opposing witnesses, see, e.g., Hermogenes Issues 45.5–10.

5907

Cicero Quinct. 23.75.

5908

The witness of one person was inadequate in many kinds of cases (Boice, Witness, 47, cites m. Ketub. 2:9; Roè Haï. 3:1); self-accusation, by contrast, could invite condemnation (Achilles Tatius 7.11.1; though in early Judaism cf. Cohn, Trial, 98). In some matters, however, onés self-testimony was held reliable (e.g., m. Ketub. 2:10), even against two witnesses (m. Tehar. 5:9).

5909

It is so pervasive that scholars often recognize the trial motif in this Gospel as a central one (e.g., Lincoln, Lawsuit Motif; van der Watt and Voges, «Elemente»).

5910

As some commentators observe (e.g., Bernard, John, 1:247), the argument should have made sense in an early Jewish milieu; see Odeberg, Gospel, 232–34, for parallels of phrasing in rabbinic texts for every verse of 5:31–47.

5911

Isocrates Nic. 46-A7, Or. 3.36; Publilius Syrus 597; Plutarch Praising, Mor. 539A-547F (esp. 15, Mor. 544D); Dio Chrysostom Or. 57.3–9; Quintilian 11.1.17–19; Phaedrus 1.11; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 1.1.1; Prov 27:2. See further Lyons, Autobiography, 44–45,53–59; Marshall, Enmity, 124–29.

5912

        Apocrit. 2.7–12 (probably Porphyry); in the strictest sense, the objection confuses legal testimony with other claims.

5913

        "Abot R. Nat. 11A. Cf. Prov 27:2; 2Cor 11:12.

5914

        "Abot R. Nat. 1, §1B; cf. Heb 5:4.

5915

E.g., Babrius 114. Revelation applies λαμπάδες … καιόμεναι to the spirits of God (Rev 4:5; but cf. judgment language in 8:10), whereas λυχνία refers to churches (Rev 1:12–13, 20; 2:1, 5; cf. 11:4).

5916

Moloney, Signs, 21.

5917

So also Brown, John, 1:224, citing also Matt 17:12–13; Mark 9:13. Moses is presumably the lamp in 2 Bar. 18:1; see further the comments on John 1:4. Barrett, John, 265, cites also other figures who were lamps, though they are probably less relevant here.

5918

Cf. Ellis, Genius, 96.

5919

Cf. Dio Chrysostom Or. 77/78.37–45, in Malherbe, Exhortation, 51; Stowers, Letter Writing, 140; 1Cor 9:19, 22.

5920

        Rhet. ad Herenn. 4.27.37; Sallust Letter of Gnaeus Pompeius 6; Ovid Metam. 4.276, 284; cf. Virgil Georg. 2.434; Seneca Benef. 3.12.4; Demosthenes Crown 268; Cicero Sest. 26.56; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 408, §§138D-139D; Phlm 19. This is specifically applied to quoted testimony in Maximus of Tyre Or. 24.1. See many different sources in Lane, Hebrews, 382–83, on 11:32; rhetorical handbooks in Anderson, Glossary, 88–89; Rowe, «Style,» 149.

5921

E.g., Josephus Ag. Ap. 1.58–59.

5922

        Let. Aris. 131–132, 156–157; see further Longenecker, Paul 54–58; Davies, Paul 27–29. Cf. Xenophon Mem. 4.3.13; Diodorus Siculus 12.20.2; Cicero Nat. d. 2.54.133–58.146; Seneca Benef. 6.23.6–7; Plutarch Isis 76, Mor. 382A; Epictetus Diatr. 1.6.7, 10; 1.16.8; 2.14.11; Heraclitus Ep. 4; Theophilus 1.5–6.

5923

Other messianic claimants also appealed to promised signs as testimony of their identity (Talbert, John, 128, cites Josephus Ant. 18.85–87; 20.97,167–172).

5924

In Johannine theology, those who did see him through Jesus would be transformed, both spiritually in the present (1 John 3:6) and physically eschatologically (1 John 3:2).

5925

E.g., Exod. Rab. 41:3; see the source in Exod 19:9,11; 24:10–11. Philosophers spoke of hearing and seeing God through reason (cf. Maximus of Tyre Or. 11.10).

5926

«Thunders» in Exod 19LXX is «sounds» or «voices» (φωναί). A later tradition even says this voice raised the dead (Tg. Ps.-J. on Exod 20:15/18).

5927

Dahl, «History,» 133; cf. also Borgen, Bread, 151; Brown, John, 1:225; Schnackenburg, John, 2:52; Whitacre, Polemic, 68; see comment on 6:46. Against the bat kol here, see Odeberg, Gospel, 222. In Pirqe R. E1. 11, Torah shares God's image; see comment on 1:3.

5928

Odeberg, Gospel, 223–24. Greeks told stories of gods unrecognized among mortals, as Jews did of angels (see, e.g., Homer Od. 1.105, 113–135; 17.484–487; Ovid Metam. 1.212–213; 2.698; 5.451–461; 6.26–27; 8.621–629; Pausanias 3.16.2–3; Heb 13:2; cf. Gen 18; Tob 5:4–6,12; 9:1–5; Philo Abraham 114).

5929

Whitacre, John, 137, may be right to see polemic against mystical Judaism here; but we can account for the text sufficiently on the basis of any Torah-observent Jewish circles.

5930

See Philo Confusion 97,147; Flight 101; Heir 230; Planting 18; Spec. Laws 1.80–81,171; 3.83. Cf. Plutarch Isis 29, Mor. 362D; 43, 368C; 54, 373B; 377A.

5931

For a person having Torah in oneself, see, e.g., Deut 30:14; Ps 37:31; 40:8; 119:11; Lev. Rab. 3:7. Believers have Jesus'words in them (John 15:7), Jesus in them (6:56; cf. 1 John 3:15), and remain in Jesus (John 8:31).

5932

Jesus is essentially the Father's voice in 5:37–40; one might compare him to a bat qo1.

5933

E.g., Westcott, John, 91; Morris, John, 330; Michaels, John, 82; Bruce, John, 136; Beasley-Murray, John, 78.

5934

Schnackenburg, John, 2:125, cites, e.g., 1QS 5.11; CD 6.7. See most fully Culpepper, School, 291–99, on darash and ζητέω.

5935

So here, e.g., Dodd, Interpretation, 82; Hunter, John, 62; Brown, John, 1:225, citing, e.g., m. "Abot 2:7; see comment on 1:4. It was «the most meritorious of all good deeds» (Sandmel, Judaism, 184).

5936

So also Odeberg, Gospel, 224.

5937

Refuting someone on the basis of the very arguments or witnesses that person cites in his support was good rhetorical technique (e.g., Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §101D; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; Matt 12:37; Luke 19:22; Tit 1:12–13).

5938

See Culpepper, School, 298–99. They do not «will» to come to him (5:40), though they had «willed» to listen to John momentarily (5:35).

5939

DeSilva, «Honor and Shame,» 520 (citing Seneca the Younger De constantia sapientis 13.2,5; Epictetus Ench. 24.1).

5940

Not needing such glory was commendable (e.g., Scipio in Macrobius Comm. 2.10.2, in Van der Horst, «Macrobius,» 225), though Diogenes the Cynic claimed to deserve public praise (Diogenes Laertius 6.62).

5941

Seeking glory was honorable only if sought in the right places (Rom 2:7; Polybius 6.54.3; Dionysius of Halicarnassus R.A. 5.25.1; 5.27.2; Cicero Earn. 10.12.5; 15.4.13; Sest. 48.102; Valerius Maximus 2.8.5, 7; 4.3.6a; 5.7.ext.4; 8.14; Seneca Ep. Luci1. 94.63–66; Orphic Hymn 15.10–11; Prov 22:1; see comment on 12:43).

5942

Cf. Michaels, John, 82. Brown, John, 1:226, suggests an allusion to Moses (leading naturally into 5:45–47), who sought God's glory (Exod 34:29); cf. comment on 1:14–18. At least some later rabbis believed that Moses exalted God above everything else and after death God exalted him (Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20).

5943

See comment on 14:13–14; comment on agency, pp. 310–17 in the introduction. Cf. also Sanders, John, 73. It is unlikely that this stems from Isaiah (pace Young, «Isaiah,» 223); though God's name is a dominant motif in Isaiah, «coming» in his name more likely alludes to Ps 118:26.

5944

See 1 John 2:18; see excursus on antichrist figures in Keener, Matthew, 573–75.

5945

Bultmann, John, 270; Hunter, John, 62–63. This interpretation appears as early as Irenaeus Haer. 5.25.3.

5946

The LXX does not claim that Moses «testifies» but he very frequently appears alongside the ark of μαρτύριον («testimony»; it contained the law tablets) especially in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers, usually in the «tent of witness.»

5947

Cf, e.g., L.A.B. 9:16; 20:5; CIJ 2:81–82, §834; 2:82, §835; probably 2:82, §836; see further Bonsirven, Judaism, 82. Philo uses Moses» life as a paradigm (Mack, «Imitatio,» on Philo Moses 1.158–159); see further the comment on John 6:15. Early Christians also highly respected him (e.g., Heb 3:5–6; Rev 15:3).

5948

        Pesiq. Rab Kah. Sup. 1:20.

5949

Josephus Ant. 4.328; Sipre Deut. 306.24.2.

5950

For Philo, see esp. Meeks, Prophet-King, 103–6. In one Amoraic tradition, perhaps with tongue-in-cheek hyperbole, God even allowed Moses to be stronger than he (p. Tacan. 4:5, §1)!

5951

Gager, Moses, 18.

5952

E.g., Jub. 1:19; Philo Moses 2.166; 4 Ezra 7:107; L.A.B. 12:8–9; Γ. Mos. 11:17; Sipre Deut. 343.1.2; as an intermediary in other respects, e.g., T. Mos. 1:14; 3:12; Pesiq. Rab. 6:2; 15:3. Pardon comes through Moses in 4QDibrê ham-Méorôt 2.7–12 (in Vellanickal, Sonship, 30). In greater detail, see Meeks, Prophet-King, 118, 137, 160–61, for nonrabbinic Jewish literature; 200–204, for rabbinic literature; 254, for Samaritan tradition. Joshua intercedes for Israel in L.A.B. 21:2–6.

5953

Bernard, John, 1:257; Schnackenburg, John, 2:129; Whitacre, Polemic, 51; see esp. Hafemann, «Moses.»

5954

See Pancaro, Law, 256–57. A prosecutor or accuser was the opposite of an advocate (e.g., Aeschines Ctesiphon 37, where the laws are figuratively onés advocates).

5955

For the law as reprover of God's people, see 2 Bar. 19:3; Jas 2:9; for a commandment becoming accuser instead of advocate if one sinned, see Pesiq. Rab Kah. 27:6. A third-century rabbi saw Moses as Israel's accuser on the occasion of the golden calf idol (p. Yoma 7:3, on Exod 32:31).

5956

See Pancaro, Law, 254.

5957

E.g., Cornelius Nepos 6 (Lysander), 4.3; Aelius Aristides Defense of Oratory 311, §10 ID; 340, §112D; 343–344, §114D; 446, §150D; perhaps 2 Bar. 15:6.

5958

Josephus Ant. 1.39; Sipre Deut. 1.1.1; p. Sotah 5:6, §3. Pagans also assumed this tradition (e.g., Longinus Sub1. 9.9; Juvenal Sat. 14.101–102). Against Pancaro, Law, 258–59, it is questionable whether this passage distinguishes Moses and Torah.

5959

So Philo Worse 138 (μάρτυρος άψευδεστάτου). See comment on 3:11,13.

5960

On the polemical value of antinomian accusations in early Judaism, see esp. Overman, Gospel and Judaism, 17–28, and his numerous examples (lQpHab 7.1–5; 1 En. 99:10–12; 2 Bar. 41:3; 51:4; 54:14; 4 Ezra 9:36–37).

5961

Josephus War 1.110; 2.162; Life 191; Ant. 17.41; cf. Acts 22:3; 26:5, further suggesting that this was a focus of debate within post-70 Judaism (Overman, Gospel and Judaism, 68–71)

5962

A widely used argument; see comment on 7:23; also Luke 16:31. Cf. Rhet. Ad Herenn. 4.18.25, where there is an example of «reasoning by opposites»: if persons have opposed their own interests, how can they be supposed to support another's?

5963

        Pace those who once thought, without textual evidence, that chs. 5 and 6 were transposed (see comment at the beginning of this chapter). Some attribute the abrupt transition to rhetorical obscurity (Stamps, «Johannine Writings,» 619–20), but such confusion offers nothing here to contribute to a «grand» style.


Источник: The Gospel of John : a commentary : Volumes 1-2 / Craig S. Keener – Massachusetts : Baker Academic, 2003. – 1636 pages.

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